Dominikaanse Republiek Ekonomie - Geskiedenis

Dominikaanse Republiek Ekonomie - Geskiedenis


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Begroting: Inkomste .............. $ 2,3 miljard
Uitgawes ... $ 2,9 miljard

Hoofgewasse: suikerriet, koffie, katoen, kakao, tabak, rys, boontjies, aartappels, mielies, piesangs; beeste, varke, suiwelprodukte, beesvleis, eiers

Natuurlike hulpbronne: Nikkel, bauxiet, goud, silwer.

Belangrike nywerhede: toerisme, suikerverwerking, ferronikkel- en goudmynbou, tekstiele, sement, tabak

Ekonomie (2002)
BBP: $ 21,6 miljard.
Groeikoers (2002): 4,1%.
BBP per capita: $ 2,511.
Nie -brandstof minerale (1% van die BBP): nikkel, goud, silwer.
Landbou (12% van die BBP): produkte-suiker, koffie, kakao, piesangs, tabak, rys, plantains, beesvleis, blomme.
Nywerheid (31% van die BBP): Tipes-suikerveredeling, farmaseutiese produkte, sement, ligte vervaardiging, konstruksie; dienste, insluitend toerisme en vervoer-47% van die BBP.
Handel: Uitvoer ($ 5,2 miljard (FOB), insluitend verwerkingsones: tekstiele, suiker, koffie, ferronikkel, kakao, tabak, vleis en mediese voorrade. Markte-VS (80%), Kanada, Wes-Europa. Invoer-$ 8,9 miljard : voedsel, petroleum, industriële grondstowwe, kapitaalgoedere. Verskaffers-VSA (48%), Japan, Duitsland, Venezuela, Mexiko.


Dominikaanse Republiek

Die Taino - inheemse inwoners van Hispaniola voor die aankoms van die Europeërs - het die eiland in vyf hoofstede en gebiede verdeel. Christopher COLUMBUS het die eiland op sy eerste reis in 1492 verken en beweer dat dit 'n springplank geword het vir die Spaanse verowering van die Karibiese Eilande en die Amerikaanse vasteland. In 1697 erken Spanje die Franse heerskappy oor die westelike derde van die eiland, wat in 1804 Haïti geword het. Die res van die eiland, destyds bekend as Santo Domingo, wou in 1821 sy eie onafhanklikheid verkry, maar is 22 jaar lank deur die Haïtiërs verower en regeer. Dit het uiteindelik onafhanklikheid verkry as die Dominikaanse Republiek in 1844. In 1861 keer die Dominikane vrywillig terug na die Spaanse Ryk, maar twee jaar later het hulle 'n oorlog geloods wat die onafhanklikheid in 1865 herstel het. 'n Nalatenskap van onrustige, meestal nie-verteenwoordigende bewind het gevolg, onder die leiding van die diktatuur van Rafael Leonidas TRUJILLO van 1930 tot 1961. Juan BOSCH is verkies tot president in 1962, maar is in 'n militêre staatsgreep in 1963 neergelê. In 1965 het die VSA 'n ingryping gelei te midde van 'n burgeroorlog wat veroorsaak is deur 'n opstand om BOSCH te herstel. In 1966 verslaan Joaquin BALAGUER BOSCH in die presidentsverkiesing. BALAGUER het die grootste deel van die volgende 30 jaar 'n stywe greep op die mag gehou, toe internasionale reaksie op gebrekkige verkiesings hom genoodsaak het om sy termyn in 1996 te beperk. Sedertdien is daar gereeld mededingende verkiesings gehou waarin opposisiekandidate die presidentskap gewen het. Voormalige president Leonel FERNANDEZ Reyna (eerste termyn 1996-2000) het in 2004 die verkiesing tot 'n nuwe termyn gewen nadat 'n grondwetlike wysiging toegelaat het dat presidente meer as een termyn kon dien, en is later herkies tot 'n tweede agtereenvolgende termyn. Na die twee-termyn voorsitterskap van Danilo MEDINA Sanchez (2012-2020), is Luis Rodolfo ABINADER Corona in Julie 2020 tot president verkies.

Besoek die bladsy Definisies en notas om 'n beskrywing van elke onderwerp te sien.


Dominikaanse Republiek: Geskiedenis, kultuur en ekonomie#038

Die Dominikaanse Republiek (/ dɒmˌɪnɪkən rɪˈpʌblɪk/ Spaans: República Dominicana, uitgespreek [reˈpuβlika ðominiˈkana]) is 'n nasie op die eiland Hispaniola, deel van die Groter Antille -argipel in die Karibiese gebied. Die westelike derde van die eiland word deur die nasie Haïti beset, wat Hispaniola een van twee Karibiese eilande maak wat deur twee lande gedeel word. Beide per oppervlakte en bevolking is die Dominikaanse Republiek die tweede grootste Caribiese nasie (na Kuba), met 48,442 vierkante kilometer (18,704 vierkante myl) en 'n geskatte 10 miljoen mense.

Sedert die sewende eeu deur Taínos bewoon, is die gebied van die Dominikaanse Republiek in 1492 deur Christopher Columbus bereik en word dit die tuiste van die eerste permanente Europese nedersetting in Amerika, naamlik Santo Domingo, die hoofstad van die land en die eerste hoofstad van Spanje en die eerste hoofstad van Spanje in die Nuwe Wêreld. In Santo Domingo staan, onder andere eerstes in die Amerikas, die eerste universiteit, katedraal en kasteel, laasgenoemde twee in die Ciudad Colonial -gebied, 'n UNESCO -wêrelderfenisgebied.

Na drie eeue van Spaanse heerskappy, met Franse en Haïtiaanse onderbrekings, het die land in 1821 onafhanklik geword, maar is vinnig deur Haïti oorgeneem. Oorwinnaars in die Dominikaanse Onafhanklikheidsoorlog in 1844, het die Dominikane gedurende die volgende 72 jaar meestal interne struwelinge beleef, en ook 'n kort terugkeer na die Spaanse bewind. Die besetting van die Verenigde State van 1916–1924, en 'n daaropvolgende, rustige en voorspoedige tydperk van ses jaar onder Horacio Vásquez Lajara, is gevolg deur die diktatuur van Rafael Leonidas Trujillo Molina tot 1961. Die burgeroorlog van 1965, die land se laaste tyd, is beëindig deur 'n ingryping onder leiding van die VS, en is gevolg deur die outoritêre bewind van Joaquín Balaguer, 1966–1978. Sedertdien het die Dominikaanse Republiek in die rigting van verteenwoordigende demokrasie gegaan en is dit na 1996 meestal deur Leonel Fernández gelei.

Die Dominikaanse Republiek het die tweede grootste ekonomie in die Karibiese Eilande. Alhoewel dit lank bekend is vir suikerproduksie, word die ekonomie nou oorheers deur dienste. Die ekonomiese vooruitgang van die land word gekenmerk deur sy gevorderde telekommunikasiestelsel. Nietemin bly werkloosheid, korrupsie deur die regering en inkonsekwente elektriese diens steeds die belangrikste Dominikaanse probleme. Die land het ook 'n groot ongelykheid in inkomste. ”

Die land se ekonomie is tradisioneel afhanklik van landbou. Alhoewel suikerriet die belangrikste gewas is en suiker 'n belangrike uitvoer is, het die suikerproduksie die afgelope jare skerp afgeneem. Ander groot gewasse is koffie, katoen, kakao, tabak en rys. Daar is afsettings van nikkel, bauxiet, goud, silwer en ander minerale, en mynbou is van toenemende ekonomiese belang. Vryhandelsones het gelei tot 'n toename in die ligte nywerheid, veral die vervaardiging van tekstiele en klere. Toerisme is ook belangrik vir die ekonomie, en die dienstesektor is nou die land se grootste werkgewer. Die Verenigde State, Mexiko en Colombia is die belangrikste handelsvennote.

Internasionale migrasie het 'n groot invloed op die land, aangesien dit groot migrantestrome ontvang en stuur. Die immigrasie van Haïtia en die integrasie van Dominikane van Haïtiaanse afkoms is 'n belangrike kwessie, die totale bevolking van Haïtiaanse afkoms word na raming 800 000. 'N Groot Dominikaanse diaspora bestaan, meestal in die Verenigde State, waar dit 1,3 miljoen beslaan. Hulle ondersteun nasionale ontwikkeling deur miljarde dollars aan hul gesinne te stuur, wat 'n tiende van die Dominikaanse BBP uitmaak.

Die Dominikaanse Republiek het die grootste toeristebestemming van die Karibiese Eilande geword, en die gholfbane die hele jaar deur die land is een van die belangrikste besienswaardighede. In hierdie bergagtige land is die Karibiese Eilande, die hoogste berg, Pico Duarte, net soos die Enriquillo -meer, die grootste meer en die laagste hoogte in die Karibiese Eilande. Quisqueya, soos die Dominikane hul land dikwels noem, het 'n gemiddelde temperatuur van 26 ° C (78.8 ° F) en 'n groot biologiese diversiteit.

Musiek en sport is van die grootste belang in die Dominikaanse kultuur, met merengue as nasionale dans en sang en bofbal die gunsteling sport. Die kultuur en mense van die Dominikaanse Republiek is, net soos die Spaanse Karibiese bure, 'n mengsel van die kulture van die Spaanse koloniste, Afrikaanse slawe en Taíno -inboorlinge. Europese, Afrikaanse en Taíno -kulturele elemente is die belangrikste in voedsel, gesinsstruktuur, godsdiens en musiek. Baie Arawak/Taíno -name en -woorde word gebruik in die daaglikse gesprek en vir baie kosse inheems aan die Dominikaanse Republiek.


Die pad na die suikermeule of die pad na miljoene: MLB Baseball Academies se uitwerking op die Dominikaanse Republiek

Vir baie Dominikaanse kinders lyk 'n toekoms in die suikerrietvelde, die hotel- of reisbedryf of 'n ander laagbetaalde werk onvermydelik. Maar toe die Major League Baseball (MLB) talent uit die Dominikaanse Republiek (D.R.) begin kry, kon die Dominikaanse seuns droom om hope geld te verdien om tuislopies te behaal. Vir 'n paar het bofbal die pad uit armoede geword, terwyl die oorgrote meerderheid 'n toekoms in hom gehad het. Die pad uit armoede loop deur bofbalakademies wat deur individuele MLB -spanne gebou is om talent te ontwikkel. Baie van hierdie fasiliteite het geen opleiding gebied bo die Engelse taal en Amerikaanse kultuur nie. Toe die MLB -spanne die D.R. vir die eerste keer verken het, het hulle die talent -lotery getref, maar wat MLB en die D.R. uitruil was buitengewoon en ingewikkeld. Alhoewel MLB se hoofdoel was om talent uit die land te bekom, het hierdie operasie baie newe -effekte veroorsaak wat vandag nog Dominikaanse seuns, hul gesinne en gemeenskappe beïnvloed. Beide skade en voordele lei tot gevolg, maar dit was die algehele uitwerking op die D.R. positief of negatief?

Bofbal kom na die Dominikaanse Republiek

Baseball was teenwoordig in die D.R. lank voor die akademies. Toe Kubaanse vlugtelinge wat uit die Tienjarige Oorlog (1868-1878) vlug, na die D.R. kom, het hulle bofbal, wat reeds gewild was in Kuba, saamgebring. Alan Klein, 'n professor aan die Noordoos -Universiteit met jare se ondervinding in die bestudering van Dominikaanse bofbal, sê: 'Dominikaners het nie 'n gevestigde sporttradisie nie, dus hoef die wedstryd nie teen ander sportsoorte mee te ding nie.' het aangevoer dat die krieketwortels van die Dominikane gehelp het om bofbal te vestig.3 Die lewe in baie dorpe het om 'n bloeiende suikerbedryf gegaan en suikermaalfabrieke het hul eie bofbalspanne begin vestig.4 "Werkers was die kern van die spanne," sê Klein, 'En hulle is beloon omdat hulle gewen het omdat hulle nie hoef te werk nie. Baseball was dus 'n manier om die terugslae van die sny van suikerriet te vermy. Die kompetisie tussen die raffinaderye het 'n buitengewone baseball-handelsmerk ontwikkel. ' 'Dit is meer as 'n wedstryd, en Winston Llenas, hoofbestuurder van die Dominikaanse Winterliga, het eenkeer opgemerk dat dit 'n nasionale koors is. Dit is amper ons manier van lewe. 𔄨

Gedurende die twintigste eeu het die Dominikaanse bofbalvelde ontwikkel tot meer as ontspanningsruimtes, wat 'n bank geword het vir professionele talent. In die vroeë 1900's het die Dominikane die Dominican Professional Baseball League gestig, 'n stapsteen vir 'n mylpaal in die Dominikaanse bofbalgeskiedenis: Ozzie Virgil het die eerste gebore Dominikaanspeler geword wat in 1956 vir 'n groot ligaspan in die Verenigde State gespeel het toe hy sy debuut gemaak het. vir die New York Giants.7 Van die 1950's tot laat 1960's het 'n groot deel van die internasionale talent in MLB uit Kuba gekom.8 Maar in die vroeë 1970's, weens politieke spanning tussen die nuut kommunistiese Kuba en die VSA, "het Castro opgehou om toe te laat spelers om te emigreer om in die groot ligas te speel en MLB het al hoe meer na die [DR] gegaan vir hul spelers, ” het Klein.9 Die aantal Kubaanse grootklassers het van 30 in 1970 tot 13 vyf jaar later gedaal.10 Toe MLB het die DR ondersoek, hulle het die 'goed geboude bofbalinfrastruktuur en 'n paar uitdagende ekonomiese toestande gevind. . . [bevorder] 'n omgewing vir talent. ”11 MLB kan ook voordeel trek uit die armoede van die D.R. en 'gooi 'n wye net deur soveel spelers as moontlik te teken. . . "12 MLB -organisasies kon spelers vir 'n klein prys verkry en oplei in vergelyking met die koste in die VS.13" Spanne verkies [twintig] Dominikaners teen $ 5.000 stuk, eerder as slegs twee Amerikaners teen $ 50.000 elk. "14 Deur oop te maak dag 2015 het die DR sal goed verteenwoordig word met 83 spelers op MLB -roosters.15 Die moeilikheid oor die magdom talent wat gevind is, was dat spanne nie genoeg visums kon kry vir die groot aantal spelers wat hulle onderteken het om na die Verenigde State te kom werk en te oefen nie.16 Om die aantal visums wat nodig is, te verminder en om hul konsep van 'gooi 'n wye net' te behou. (ondertekening van baie spelers) het die spanne begin met die bou van ontwikkelingsgeriewe in die D.R.17 Die MLB -akademiestelsel sou onbedoeld werk en sakegeleenthede vir die D.R.

Die era van die Akademie

Voordat die amptelike MLB-akademies begin het, het een man in 1973 die eerste talentontwikkelingsfasiliteit op 'n stuk landbougrond noord van Santo Domingo gebou. sy geboorteland, wat uiteindelik vir vier verskillende spanne gewerk het en meer Dominikaanse talent onderteken het as enige ander speurder.19 Volgens Fred Guerrero, Epy se seun en huidige Latyns -Amerikaanse verkenner vir die Minnesota Twins, “was dit [Epy] baie moeilik om te kry spelers om elke dag na sy veld te pendel, daarom moes hy 'n huis bou waar hy hulle kon huisves, sodat hulle nie hoef te pendel nie. . . dit is waar alles begin het. ”20 Die fasiliteit het groter geword en later by die Blue Jays aangesluit. Hoewel Epy Guerrero in 2013 oorlede is, sal sy nalatenskap onthou word as die man wat die ondersoek na Dominikaanse talent oopgemaak het en die grondslag gelê het vir die huidige MLB -akademies.

Veertien jaar nadat Epy Guerrero sy privaat akademie begin het, het die LA Dodgers besluit om met die konsep te eksperimenteer. In 1987 stig die Dodgers die eerste MLB-geaffilieerde akademie "om die Dominikaanse nuwelinge 'n kans te gee om Engelse en Amerikaanse kultuur te leer, asook om hulle op te lei in die Dodger-manier van speel." 22 MLB-akademies het in die DR verskyn, en teen 2003 het al 30 MLB -spanne aktiewe akademies in die Dominikaanse gebied gehad. 23 Hierdie fasiliteite was plekke waar spelers van 16 tot 21 jaar nie net op gladde velde kon oefen nie, maar ook hul liggame kon opbou deur goed te eet, gewigte op te lig en te slaap. beddens met lakens. 24 “Hier kan jy elke dag eet,” het 'n seuntjie by 'n akademie verduidelik, "dit is nie altyd die geval by die huis nie." die balspelers wat onderteken is, het hulle ook gehelp aan die sterk gebonde gemeenskappe waaruit hulle gekom het. Volgens Rob Ruck, 'n professor in geskiedenis aan die Universiteit van Pittsburgh, het "[M] ost Dominikaners [die akademie] as 'n baie positiewe stap gesien om meer jong Dominikaanse balspelers te kweek." 27 Hy verduidelik: "Die daaropvolgende ontwikkeling van akademies deur elke MLB -franchise verteenwoordig 'n beduidende ekonomiese oplewing vir die land se ekonomie en het duisende op en buite die veld werk verskaf. ”28 Die akademie was 'n geweldige innovasie, die begin van 'n nuwe era en 'n uitbreiding van die internasionale teenwoordigheid van MLB.

Die koste en voordele van die akademies

Die koste en voordele wat die akademie meegebring het, was uniek en ingewikkeld, veral met spelersafrigters wat deur sommige bekend was buskone. 'Buscar' in Spaans beteken 'om na te soek', dus buskone gesoek na “talentvolle seuns van die middelbare skool. . . in 'n poging om hulle in 'n nie -amptelike bofbalopleidingsfasiliteit op te lei totdat hulle die sestienjarige ouderdom, die wettige ondertekeningsouderdom, bereik. " buscone Die bedryf het begin omdat Dominikaanse mans 'n kans gesien het om geld te verdien uit die poel seuns in die hoop om die groot ligas te haal. As die seun by 'n MLB -span onderteken is, het die buscone wat die speler ontwikkel het, het gewoonlik 30% van die ondertekeningsbonus as betaal uit die vooruitsig geneem.30 'n Mens sou dink dat hierdie betaalstelsel die buscone om die speler goed te behandel, aangesien die enigste manier waarop hy betaal is, was as sy speler met 'n span onderteken het. Fred Guerrero beweer dat die buscone en die speler het 'n 'goeie, betroubare verhouding' en voeg by dat 'spelers hul buskone liefhet asof hulle 'n gesin is.' 31 Die behandeling wat 'n jong seun egter ontvang het buscone kan wissel. Rob Ruck beweer: 'Ouers, wat meestal swak opgelei is en min weet oor baseball, is selde 'n tjek op minder as etiese buskone. ”32 Alhoewel buskone Dit lyk asof sommige spelers op die smal pad deur die akademie help, en sommige sal hul spelers meer as produkte behandel as mense: "[Buscones] kan van 'n seun steel, hom in beroepsbeskadigende bedrog verstrik en selfs PED's [prestasieverbeterende middels] toedien. ”33 Aangesien hierdie buskone word deur geen organisasie onder toesig gehou nie, is dit moeilik om te bepaal watter behandeling seuns ontvang het. Die buskone kan nie bloot as 'n koste of 'n voordeel geklassifiseer word nie.

Kritici van die akademiestelsel meen dat MLB se teenwoordigheid in die Dominikaanse Republiek 'n opvoedkundige tol op Dominikaanse seuns geëis het. Tussen die ouderdomme van 12 en 14 jaar verlaat baie seuns die skool om hul opleiding te begin met 'n buscone.34 Sonder die afleiding van die skool oefen hulle vier jaar lank hard met baseball om op te fokus, maar een Dominikaanse verkenner het geraam dat slegs een uit die 40 spelers die akademie sou haal.35 Die res is sonder opleiding. Selfs diegene wat die akademie bereik, ontvang slegs Engelse en Amerikaanse kultuurklasse. Tans bied slegs die Arizona Diamondbacks -akademie spelers die geleentheid om die hoërskool te voltooi en 'n formele opleiding te ontvang Kinders wat agterbly, Beweer Adam Wasch dat "MLB se operasie in die D.R. het 'n uitwerking op die opvoeding van jong seuns gehad, met verwysing na bewyse van Nationmaster dat hy erken dat dit 'omstandig' is. Alhoewel Wasch na bofbal kan verwys as die vakuum wat die Dominikaanse seuns uit die skool gehaal het, het sommige moontlik vir hul gesinne in die suikerrietvelde, die hotelbedryf of kledingfabrieke gaan werk.. MLB is moontlik nie die enigste krag om Dominikaanse seuns uit die skool te haal en hulle onopgevoed en kwesbaar vir 'n verarmde lewe te laat nie.

'N Speler se salaris by 'n akademie is 'n fortuin in vergelyking met gewone salaris in die D.R. Diana Spagnuolo, skrywer van Swaai vir die heining, merk op dat "Spelers in hul eerste jaar op 'n akademie $ 600 dollar per maand verdien. Tweedejaarspelers verdien $ 700 en diegene in hul derde jaar verdien $ 750 per maand. ”39 Ter vergelyking betaal 'n lae vaardigheidswerk in 'n klerefabriek slegs $ 100 per maand. In 'n kapperswinkel het 'n voormalige balspeler probeer om hare te sny vir $ 3,75 per kop. 13 jaar se werk. Soos Klein beklemtoon het: "Balspelers het 'n beter kans om hul gesinne te voed, ALS HULLE DIT NOOIT DIE GROOTSTE LIGUES MAAK NIE" 42 Vir Amerikaners lyk opvoeding as 'n slim pad, maar Klein voer aan: "Ons kan innerlike vertel stadskinders [in die VSA] om op skool te bly, want as hulle dit doen, is daar potensiaal vir [hoër betalende] werk. Maar in die DR is dit anders. Die man wat die loket in my hotel was, was 'n prokureur. Hy moes op hierdie lae vlak werk, want om 'n advokaat te wees, het nie genoeg betaal nie. ' 'n bofballoopbaan het moontlik nie meer winsgewende poste gekry nie.

Die akademies het nie net die spelers finansieel verryk nie, maar het ook direk en indirek werk geskep in Dominikaanse dorpe en stede. Carrie Meyer, professor in ekonomie aan die George Mason -universiteit, beweer dat "die totale jaarlikse ekonomiese impak in terme van dollars wat in die Dominikaanse Republiek bestee is (boukoste uitgesluit) in 2005 ongeveer $ 35 miljoen beloop het." konstruksiewerkers, kokke, oppassers, veldmeesters en verkenners ingesluit.45 Daar is ook indirekte geleenthede geskep. Meyer sê: "Die vermenigvuldiger-effekte word in hierdie arm gemeenskappe gevoel." 46 Benewens die buskabels, het daar ook werk ontstaan, soos opleiers, handelsverkopers, motorfietsryers om aanhangers na die stadions te neem en nog vele meer. Spagnuolo stem saam: "Oor die algemeen help 'n akademiese teenwoordigheid om werk te skep en ekonomiese aktiwiteit in sy gasheergemeenskap te stimuleer." 47 MLB het duidelik die vooruitsigte van Dominikaanse seuns, hul gesinne en hul sterk gebonde gemeenskappe verbeter.

In die ontmoeting tussen die Dominikaanse volk en MLB -akademies het MLB duidelik baat gevind. In ruil vir sy beleggings het MLB spelers van die All-Star- en Hall of Fame-kaliber ontvang vir 'n fraksie van wat dit sou kos om dieselfde talent in die Verenigde State te werf en te ontwikkel. Die ander kant van die transaksie was 'n gemengde seën wat baie opvoedings van die Dominikaanse seuns opgeoffer het in ruil vir werk, en 'n smal pad uit armoede vir 'n gelukkige fraksie. In sommige gevalle het Dominikaanse seuns gehelp om hul gesinne te onderhou en te voed, terwyl ander 'n goue kaartjie uit die verarmde land gekry het. Kruiker Pedro Martinez se woorde verwoord die seuns se gevoelens van hoop: “Ek het nie 'n beter pad gesien nie, want ek het geen ander pad gesien nie. . . Ek het dit vir my ma en pa gesê. . . Ek gaan 'n professionele bofbalspeler word, en as ek dit doen, sal ek my geld huis toe stuur, sodat niemand van u meer hoef te werk nie. ' Dit. Tog, op grond van die bewyse wat ek oorweeg het, was die voordele van MLB -akademie oor die algemeen groter as die koste.

Hierdie vraestel is geskryf deur THOMAS McKENNA, 'n tuisgemaakte sewende klas in Lovettsville, Virginia, vir die National History Day-kompetisie, waar hy die 2016 Lee Allen History of Baseball-toekenning, geborg deur SABR, gewen het.

Geannoteerde bibliografie

Alfano, Peter. 'Hindernisse vir bevordering keer Spaanse spelers.' Die New York Times, 4 Mei 1987, Laat -uitgawe (Ooskus), art. C, C6. Besoek op 13 November 2015. ProQuest Historical Newspapers.

In hierdie koerantberig het Peter Alfano, die verslaggewer, probleme waarmee die Dominikaanse spelers te kampe gehad het, soos die taalhindernis en rassisme van aanhangers, blootgelê. Dit het my gehelp om te verstaan ​​hoe moeilik dit vir Dominikaners was om by die akademiese stelsel uit te kom.

Chass, Murray. 'Dodgers moet Beltre aanhou, maar word gestraf.' Die New York Times, 22 Desember 1999, Sport, D1+. Besoek op 13 November 2015. ProQuest Historical Newspapers.

In 1999 is die ouderdom van Adrian Beltre ondersoek nadat hy met die Los Angeles Dodgers onderteken het. Daar word bevind dat hy 'n jaar vroeër as die vereiste ondertekeningsouderdom van 16. onderteken het. Dit is 'n voorbeeld van wat met ouderdomsskandale gebeur het sedert MLB spelers uit die Dominikaanse Republiek begin onderteken het. Meer Dominikaanse balspelers lieg oor hul identiteit of ouderdom as wat iemand kan raai, maar slegs 'n paar word ontdek.

Guerrero, Fred. Onderhoud. 27 Januarie 2016.

Toe ek met Fred Guerrero, die seun van die speurderlegende Epy Guerrero, skakel, antwoord hy op my lys vrae oor verskillende onderwerpe oor die Dominikaanse bofbal. Hy het sy menings en ervarings gedeel buskone en die Dominikaanse volk. Een interessante feit was dit buskone verkies om agente of opleiers genoem te word.

——— Telefoononderhoud deur die skrywer. 28 Januarie 2016.

Fred Guerrero, die seun van Epy Guerrero, die vader van die akademies, is 'n verkenningsopsigter vir die tweeling. Guerrero onderteken ook die kragstasie Miguel Sano, wat nou in die groot ligas is. In my telefoononderhoud het hy stories oor die vroeë akademies gedeel, opgemerk oor die evolusie daarvan en die opwinding bespreek wat Dominikane in die spel bring.

Marichal, Juan en Lew Freedman. Juan Marichal: My Journey from the Dominican Republic to Coooperstown. N.p .: MVP Books, 2011.

Hierdie outobiografie deur Juan Marichal vertel die verhaal van sy bofballoopbaan wat in die Dominikaan begin. Hierdie eerstehandse verslag het my oortuigende feite verskaf oor kinderjare in die Dominikaanse Republiek. Ek het die eerste paar hoofstukke van hierdie boek gebruik vir navorsing oor die lewe voor die akademies.

Martinez, Pedro en Michael Silverman. Pedro. N.p .: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2015.

Die outobiografie van Pedro Martinez beskryf sy vroeë lewe in die Dominikaanse Republiek, sy pad deur die minderjariges en sy sterre in die groot ligas. Ek het die eerste deel van die boek gebruik om 'n idee te kry van die verarmde lewe van Dominikaanse gesinne.

Wulf, Steve. "Kort staan ​​lank." Sport geïllustreer, 9 Februarie 1987, 132-35. Besoek op 18 Januarie 2016. http://www.si.com/vault/issue/702375/152/2.

Hierdie tydskriffunksie beskryf die pad deur die sandlotte en die akademieë na die groot ligas vir spesifieke Dominikaanse Major League -spelers soos Tony Fernandez en Julio Franco. Dit fokus ook op die klein stad San Pedro de Macoris, 'n stad wat 'n groot aantal kortpaaie vir MLB opgelewer het. Hierdie artikels het eerstehands rekeninge van Dominikaanse spelers verskaf om my 'n idee te gee van nie net die armoede waarin die Dominikane leef nie, maar ook hul liefde vir die spel.

"Die Education Crisis verlammende Dominikaanse bofbalspelers." Videolêer. YouTube. Geplaas deur VICE Sports, 18 Junie 2015. Besoek op 30 September 2015. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2bVsbi79rUM.

Hierdie kort dokumentêr verduidelik die onderwyskrisis in die DR, en die baseballkultuur van die Dominikaan in die algemeen. Hierdie video het gehelp om die opvoedkundige situasie te verstaan, inligting te versamel oor die huidige MLB -akademies en die nagevolge te verstaan ​​vir diegene wat nie onderteken word nie of vrygestel word van 'n MLB -span.

Goodman, Jared, regisseur. Rumbo A Las Grandes Ligas. 2008. N.p .: IndiePix, n.d. DVD.

Pad na die groot ligas toon die liefde van die Dominikane vir bofbal. Dominikaanse seuns waag 'n opvoeding om 'n kans op 'n professionele bofballoopbaan te neem. Hierdie stelsel het baie Dominikaanse supersterre in MLB opgelewer, maar dit het ook baie verarmde seuns na die Dominikaanse Republiek teruggestuur.

Ghosh, Palash. “ Groot salarisse en 'n armoede-geteisterde land: die ekonomie van

Bofbal in die Dominikaanse Republiek. ” International Business Times, 24 Januarie 2014. Besoek op 11 Mei 2016. http://www.ibtimes.com/huge-salaries-poverty-stricken-country-economics-baseball-dominican-republic-1546993.

Dit is moontlik my belangrikste bron vir die ekonomiese kant van die onderwerp International Business Times Die artikel was goed gebalanseerd tussen statistieke oor en analise van hoe die geld wat Dominikaanse spelers verdien, hulself en hul tuisgemeenskappe kan help. Ghosh se artikel beklemtoon die kuns om goedkoop spelers uit arm gemeenskappe aan te skaf.

Jaffe, Jay. "Epy Guerrero, speurder wat gehelp het om die Dominikaanse pypleiding oop te maak vir hoofvakke, sterf op 71." Sport geïllustreer, 24 Mei 2013. Besoek op 20 Januarie 2016. http://www.si.com/mlb/strike-zone/2013/05/24/epy-guerrero-scout-who-helped-open-dominican-pipeline- to-majors-dies-at-71.

Hierdie onlangse doodsberig gee 'n opsomming van die prestasies wat van Eoy Guerrero 'n Dominikaanse bofballegende gemaak het. Die beskrywing van Guerrero se oorspronklike idee van 'n vroeë akademie het my gehelp om te verstaan ​​hoe die akademie ontwikkel het.

Jessop, Alicia. "Die geheime agter die sukses van die Dominikaanse Republiek in die World Baseball Classic en MLB." Forbes, 19 Maart 2014. Besoek op 14 Mei 2016. http://www.forbes.com/sites/aliciajessop/2013/03/19/the-secrets-behind-the-dominican-republics-success-in-the- wêreld-bofbal-klassieke-en-mlb/#71456d1915f1.

As antwoord op die vraag waarom daar 'n groot aantal spelers uit die Dominikaan in MLB speel, verduidelik Alicia Jessop die ekonomiese toestande en bofbaltradisie in die Dominikaanse Republiek. Al hou die ekonomiese tekortkominge die Dominikaanse kinders terug, help die armoede om die mark vir bofbaltalent te verhoog. Aangesien MLB -spanne spelers vir goedkoper kontrakte kan teken, kan hulle meer spelers teken.

Klein, Alan. E-pos onderhoud deur die skrywer. 4 Januarie 2016.

In my e -poskorrespondensie met professor Klein, verduidelik hy sy siening oor konflikte soos die vroeë dae van bofbal in die D.R., die begin van die akademies en die opvoedkundige en ekonomiese krisis in die DR. In die besonder het hy 'n verhaal vertel van sy loket in die D.R., wat oorspronklik 'n prokureur was, maar anders as in die VSA, het advokate nie veel betaal nie, daarom moes hy 'n laagbetaalde werk doen. Klein se insig oor die onderwyskrisis - dat seuns wat wel 'n opleiding gekry het, so onwaarskynlik is dat hulle werk sou kry as diegene wat dit nie gedoen het nie - het duidelik gemaak dat daar in die eerste plek moontlik nie werk is vir Dominikaanse seuns nie.

Knopper, Steve. "Die lok van bofbal in die Dominikaanse Republiek." Die New York Times, 29 Oktober 2015, Reis. Besoek op 7 Februarie 2016. http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/01/travel/dominican-republic-baseball.html?_r=2.

In Steve Knopper se reisartikel oor bofbal in die Dominican beskryf die entoesiasme wat Dominikane vir bofbal het, die gons van winterliga -wedstryde en die lewe van die gemeenskappe wat rondom die geliefde bofbalwedstryd draai.

Kurlansky, Mark. Die Oosterse Sterre. New York, NY: Riverhead Books, 2010.

Mark Kurlansky se boek neem die leser na die verarmde land van die Dominikaanse Republiek om die krieketwedstryde, die suikerrietvelde en die balvelde te onthul. Hy fokus op die ryk geskiedenis van die klein dorpie San Pedro de Macoris, die sogenaamde stad van die kortstops. Die boek bied 'n gedetailleerde agtergrond oor bofbal in die D.R.

"Balspelers van die Major League volgens geboorteplek." Baseball Almanak. Besoek op 19 Januarie 2016.

Baseball Almanac is 'n databasis wat verskillende statistieke, datums en getalle met betrekking tot bofbal versamel. Om 'n tree terug te neem en die bofbalgeskiedenis met syfers te sien, herinner my daaraan dat bofbal 'n sport is wat deur verskillende lense gesien moet word om dit ten volle te begryp. Dit is opmerklik dat ek hierdie webwerf gebruik het vir die statistiek oor die agteruitgang van Kubaanse balspelers in MLB.

Major League Baseball. “Roosters op die openingsdag bevat 230 spelers wat buite die VSA gebore is” mlb.com. Laaste gewysig op 6 April 2015. Besoek op 15 Januarie 2016. http://m.mlb.com/news/article/116591920/opening-day-rosters-feature-230-players-born-outside-the-us.

Hierdie persverklaring van MLB.com berig die wonderlike aantal balspelers uit die Dominikaanse Republiek in 2015. Ek het hierdie persverklaring gebruik om aan te toon hoeveel impak die D.R. het op MLB gemaak.

Meyer, Carrie A. en Seth Kuhn. "Die uitwerking van die Major League -bofbal op ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die Dominikaanse Republiek." Laaste wysiging 2008. Besoek op 10 Mei 2016. http://mason.gmu.edu/

My eerste en enigste bron wat gebaseer is op 'n studie, kom van 'n universiteit wat baie plaaslik vir my was. Hierdie studie van die ekonomiese gevolge van MLB in die Dominikaanse Republiek wat deur Carrie Meyer en Seth Kuhn uitgevoer en geskryf is, het 'n koerantfunksie gevind wat in 2014 geskryf is. Meyer se hulpbron het my gehelp om werklike syfers oor ekonomiese ontwikkeling te kry, terwyl ek my ook geleer het oor die komplekse kwessie van die impak van geld in die geskiedenis.

Pelotero. Regie: Ross Finkel. 2011. N.p .: Strand Releasing, n.d. DVD.

Pelotero is 'n dokumentêr wat twee Dominikaanse balspelers aanbied, of peloteros , probeer om die groot ligas te haal. Dit toon die spanning van opleiding, oefensessies en hopelik ondertekening. Hierdie dokumentêr het bots met ander bronne in sy siening van die behandeling van spelers deur buscones. Pelotero helped me understand the ins and outs of trying to make it in the Dominican Republic.

Ruck, Rob. “Baseball’s Recruitment Abuses.” Americas Quarterly , Summer 2011 edition. Accessed May 11, 2016. http://americasquarterly.org/node/2745.

This article gives an in-depth examination of the road to the academy. Rob Ruck provided me with plenty of information on the buscones and PEDs. Ruck exposes the buscones treatment of the Dominican players and shares his overview of MLB’s attempt to solve the buscone problem by sending one of their executives, Sandy Alderson, to try regulate the trainers of boys below the age of 16. Unfortunately, this attempt failed due to the lack of cooperation of the trainers.

———E-mail interview by the author. January 6, 2016.

My email correspondence with longtime expert Rob Ruck was extremely helpful. Ruck has written many books on Dominican baseball from a historian’s scholarly perspective. Not only did he tell me the facts, but he also described his opinions on education and the economic crisis.

———“The Rise of the Academies.” In Raceball: How the Major Leagues Colonized the Black and Latin Game. N.p.: Beacon, 2011.

Ruck’s book, Raceball, is about Latinos and African-Americans integration into Major League Baseball. I used the final chapter of this book, “The Rise of the Academies,” for my research. This source helped me throughout my paper with information regarding the start of the early academies, how the people reacted, how it changed the D.R., and what side effects the academies have had on the Dominican people.

Spagnuolo, Diana. “Swinging for the Fence: A Call for Institutional Reform as Dominican Boys Risk Their Futures for a Chance in Major League Baseball.” University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Economic Law 24, no. 1 (2003): 263-87. Accessed February 1, 2016. http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1252&context=jil.

Spagnuolo’s article from the University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Economic Law discusess the challenges and, for most boys, the consequences of trying to follow in David Ortiz’s footsteps. Swinging for the Fence describes the benefits and the costs of MLB’s operation in the D.R. and calls for MLB to reform the education in the academies. I found this very informative article via Children Left Behind by Adam G. Wasch.

Thorn, John. “Pride and Passion: Baseball in the Dominican Republic.” mlb.comDR. Last modified 2015. Accessed February 15, 2016. http://mlb.mlb.com/dr/pride_passion_dr.jsp.

John Thorn’s article provides the reader with a summary of the rich history of Dominican baseball from games in the sugar fields to games on well-kept academy turf. In particular, the article used firsthand accounts describing the Dominicans’ love for the game. This source was used in my paper as background to illustrate the rise of baseball throughout the Dominican Republic.

Wasch, Adam G. “Children Left Behind: The Effect of Major League Baseball on Education in the Dominican Republic.” Social Science Research Network. Last modified 2009. Accessed October 15, 2015. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1571479.

This paper on the education crisis in the D.R argues that MLB is practically abusing the Dominican boys by luring them out of school. Mr. Wasch’s article helped my project immensely with a lawyer’s view on the topics of the buscones, education, and thriving academies. I found this paper early in my research and it allowed me to see the side of the argument that MLB should fix the education problem.


Dominikaanse Republiek

Geography & Population: The Dominican Republic occupies the eastern two-thirds of the Caribbean island of Hispaniola, which is located west of Puerto Rico. Its only border is with Haiti. The Dominican Republic has an area of 48,400 kilometers, and its population was estimated at 8.4 million in 1999. For political and administrative purposes, the country is divided into three regions and seven subregions, which together contain the 29 provinces and the National District.

It was originally occupied by Tainos, an Arawakspeaking people. The Tainos welcomed Columbus in his first voyage in 1492, but subsequent colonizers were brutal, reducing the Tainos population from about 1 million to about 500 in 50 years. To ensure adequate labor for plantations, the Spanish brought African slaves to the island beginning in 1503.

In the next century, French settlers occupied the western end of the island, which Spain ceded to France in 1697, and which, in 1804, became the Republic of Haiti. The Haitians conquered the whole island in 1822 and held it until 1844, when forces led by Juan Pablo Duarte, the hero of Dominican independence, drove them out and established the Dominican Republic as an independent state. In 1861, the Dominicans voluntarily returned to the Spanish Empire in 1865, independence was restored.

Political, Social, & Cultural Bases: Economic difficulties, the threat of European intervention, and ongoing internal disorders led to a U.S. occupation in 1916 and the establishment of a military government in the Dominican Republic. The occupation ended in 1924 with a democratically elected Dominican government.

In 1930, Rafael L. Trujillo, a prominent army commander, established absolute political control. Trujillo promoted economic development and severe repression of domestic human rights. Mismanagement and corruption resulted in major economic problems. In August 1960, the Organization of American States (OAS) imposed diplomatic sanctions against the Dominican Republic as a result of Trujillo's complicity in an attempt to assassinate President Romulo Betancourt of Venezuela. These sanctions remained in force after Trujillo's death by assassination in May 1961. In November 1961, the Trujillo family was forced into exile.

The Trujillo administration initiated a campaign to increase the literacy rate, which was no higher than 30 percent in the early 1950s. These efforts resulted in a number of primary schools being established in rural areas. Urban needs were also met, to the extent that at the end of the regime, at least one primary school had been established in each town. These schools, however, were overcrowded, and many of them had to operate on double shifts, problems that have persisted into the twenty-first century.

Trujillo had also signed a concordato (agreement) with the Catholic church that included all Catholic schools under the auspices of public support. The Catholic church initiated several institutes for technical instruction that raised the level of professional training within the country. During President Joaquin Balaguer's terms of governance (1966-1978, 1986-1996) the Catholic church played a key role as a recipient of international aid for running educational and social programs.

The period of 1967 to 1971 saw the intervention of the World Bank and other international agencies to create many of the most recent initiatives in the educational system. These years saw the creation of organizations to teach American English to Dominicans and the use of scholarships to create a professional elite formed in American university systems. The San Jose Reform of 1967-1969 emphasized vocational training to improve industrial capacity.

The Dominican economy has undergone profound changes since the 1980s. Until the mid-1970s, traditional export products, mainly from agriculture, represented 60 percent of the total value of the country's exports. Over the last two decades, the service sector has led the economy, particularly economic and financial services related to tourism and industrial free trade zones, which by 1995 accounted for more than 70 percent of exports.

In 1992 the gross domestic product (GDP) began to recover, and by 1996 it was maintaining an average annual growth rate of more than 5 percent. In 1999, the country was singled out as the best economic performer in Latin America after having sustained a growth rate of more than 6 percent for several consecutive years.

This stability and macroeconomic growth have improved the purchasing power of the working population, and absolute poverty appears to have diminished. Despite this, reduced public spending for education and health has affected family budgets, unemployment rates (which stood at 15 percent in 1996-1997), and the percentage of the population linked to the informal economy and nonwage-earning activities. There has therefore been a considerable increase in relative poverty and the number of people who are in need. The public domestic debt, estimated at about US$400 million in mid-1997, has been burgeoning, and this has tended to inhibit private domestic investment. A particularly vulnerable factor is economic dependence on the 43 free trade zones.

After a long history of authoritarian regimes, the Dominican Republic is entering a new era of democracy and social participation, including education. At the same time, the proportion of children in the overall population is shrinking. The vast majority of the population is of working age (15- to 64-years-old).

Although the Dominican Republic has one of the fastest growing economies in the world (average growth of 7.5 percent from 1997 to 2000), it has one of the lowest investments in education in the hemisphere. Public investment in education has increased since the 1990s, but it is still very low in comparison with other Latin American countries.

Nonetheless, the Dominican Republic shows enormous advances in education. The country developed its planning capacity and implemented some key programs. According to the Deputy Secretary of Education, Josefina Pimentel, there were developments in several areas: new education laws to replace the obsolete legislation of 1951 new curricula developed for Basic Education new textbooks published and distributed throughout rural and urban schools and an increase in the amount of compulsory education to nine years of basic education, including a preschool year.


Gold Mining in the Dominican Republic

Dominican Republic has significant mineral wealth. It has deposits of gold, silver, nickel, copper and bauxite, as well as marble, limestone, gypsum, granite and its aggregates. Miners also extracted amber and larimar from within the country. Larimar is only found in the Dominican Republic and is a very popular gemstones used in fine jewelry design. Gemstone mining has its own rich history in the Dominican Republic.

Gold in the beds and river terraces of the country was the only mineral resource exploited during pre-Columbian times. After a history marked by a limited development at an early stage, mining activity has now becomes an intensive development, especially with the remarkable rise in the price of gold over the past decade.

The regions of Miches and Monción are the main mining areas within the Dominican Republic, with hundreds of artisanal miners prospecting in this region.

The most important areas are of Miches in the eastern part of the country, the Rio Mao (Moncion) further west, the valley of the Rio Haina in Villa Altagracia, and San Francisco de Macoris in the Centre-North.

All these areas are accessible to and from the city of Santo Domingo.

An area near the southern town of Mina is known to have gold. Watercourses and river terraces along the Cuarón River and Arroyo Claro are known to have gold deposits. The alluvial gold of Monción belong to the Mao River Basin, which run west of the province of Santiago de los Caballeros, draining the northwest slope of the Central Cordillera. This river descends from 1.500 meters in height to 50 meters at its highest journey, flowing NNE and joining the Rio Yaque del Norte.

Due to the recorded events around gold exports to Spain, it is believed that the start of mining by Spanish explorers in the Dominican Republic was around 1494. The subsequent demand for gold and other precious metals began a rudimentary mining industry when these explorers began arriving in this region and started exploiting the resources here.

In the early years of the 16th century, more and more settlers came to the island in search of precious metals, which at the time were mainly found in the beds of rivers where placer deposits were easiest to recover. The local Arawak Indians that inhabited the islands were enslaved to work the mines on the island.

However, by 1525, much of the mining activity here was abandoned due to lack of labor. The Europeans traveling to the new world brought diseases that killed huge amounts of natives of the island, who had no resistance to these new diseases that they were exposed to. Additionally, several decades of mining meant that the easiest gold deposits had begun to be worked out.

Looking forward to 1921, American geologists surveying the country re-confirmed the presence of valuable mineral deposits in the Dominican Republic. More specifically, they concluded that there was gold and nickel in Bonao Cotui.

Gold, silver, copper, zinc, nickel and bauxite head the list of minerals in which search is exploring and drilling Dominican territory in several locations.

In 1975, a modern gold rush began in the country, with the exploitation of oxides of Pueblo Viejo by the foreign company Rosario Resourcesen, which was nationalized by the Dominican government in 1979. The government maintained the mine in operation until it exhausted oxides. To exploit sulfides, new technology was required because gold is no longer on the surface, but deeper.

During the 1960s, gold had a share in the GDP at just 2%, but managed to more than double its importance in the economy during the 70s, when the industry reached its golden age, achieving in 1976 represent 6.2% of GDP.

A major fault line runs along the islands of the Caribbean, which has been responsible for the geologic conditions that create the high concentrations of gold and nickel. There is still good potential for mining here and many junior mining companies are actively exploring within the country in search of new deposits that will be profitable to mine in the future.


Politiek en regering

The U.S. Dominican community has taken up several important political issues both in the United States and in the Dominican Republic. Education, the status of undocumented migrants in the United States, citizenship status, and police violence against Dominicans have been the most important. In the 1970s, a union of several Dominican associations called Concilio de Organizaciones Dominicanas (Council of Dominican Organizations) began to push for greater rights for undocumented Dominicans in the United States. In the same decade, a group called Asociacion Nacional de Dominicanos Ausentes (National Association of Absent Dominicans) lobbied the Dominican government for the right of migrants in the United States to vote in Dominican elections. More recently, Dominican migrants have pushed the Dominican Republic to permit Dominicans in the United States to retain their Dominican citizenship so that they will be considered citizens when they return home to visit or to live, as many do.

The most significant recent mobilization of Dominicans in the United States was in response to the 1992 police shooting of Dominican Jose Garcia in New York City. The Dominican community was outraged. Already established Dominican organizations joined the mobilization against police violence, and new organizations formed in response to it. Demonstrations were held in the Washington Heights neighborhood, and there were other, less peaceful expressions of anger as well. Die Alianza Dominicana , a community organization, worked to channel communal anger into positive directions, and Dominican leaders worked with city and police officials. The mobilization attracted the attention of community leaders throughout the city (Maria Newman, "New Leadership Forms in a Crucible of Violence," New York Times, 11 July 1992, p. 23). Other groups, such as the Union of Young Dominicans, hoped to address the issues faced by Dominican immigrants. The Dominican Women's Development Center provided help towards self-sufficiency. Dominicans have not yet entered the arena of national politics, but they have made impressive strides at the local level. The 1990s have seen the election in New York City of the city's first Dominican city councilor, Guillermo Linares.


To solve the country’s water problems, about $8.9 billion dollars are needed.

The Dominican Republic’s water sector is burdened with historical problems that affect the economy, limit the country’s competitiveness, and expose the population to hardship and even disease.

Several government efforts and legislative initiatives have been proposed to address the situation, but the problems persist.

This Monday, the Government presided by Luis Abinader, presented the National Commitment for the Water Pact 2021-2036. It hopes to change the course of history and guarantee and protect this vital resource.

“Today we begin the rectification of a historical debt of the Dominican State with society: the water problem,” said the Minister of the Ministry of Economy, Planning and Development (MEPyD), Miguel Ceara-Hatton.

This commitment is based on six axes, as explained by the President, which are:

Integrated and institutional management of the sector.

Adequate attention to the protection and conservation of watersheds as a space for resource planning.

Efficient, resilient, and sustained water supply and demand management, considering the effects of climate change.

Prioritization and strategic use of the resource in its different services.

Valuing water as an essential and indispensable resource for life.

Efficient supply of drinking water and sanitation services inadequate quality, quantity, and timeliness.

The President indicated that the execution of this plan requires an investment of US$8.9 billion, which implies an annual investment of approximately US$567 million over the next 15 years.

Abinader said that during his government, the execution of the plan is guaranteed. At the same time, he spoke of the need to sign a pact to ensure that the successive governments will give continuity to the project.

The head of state assured that during the ten months that his government has been working on elaborating and reaching a consensus on a water policy proposal where changes of government or political control will not interfere in its execution and which will meet present and future water needs in terms of quantity, quality and opportunity.

The President indicated that the document delivered today to the Economic and Social Council (CES) is for its analysis and consensus with all the sectors involved (civil society, academia, and political groups), “as well as all the citizens, will allow us to have in the future, which we hope will be as soon as possible, a national pact for water.”

Overview of the situation

Ceara-Hatton detailed that 84% of the country’s households have toilets, and only 20% are connected to the sewage system. This implies that close to 80% of households rely on private on-site sanitation solutions.

He referred that only 26% of households receive water for 24 hours and that only 58% of households have at least one sink where there is currently water and soap for washing.

The Water Cabinet is chaired by the President and is made up of the Ministries of Environment and Natural Resources and Agriculture the National Institute of Hydraulic Resources (Indrhi) the Santo Domingo Aqueduct and Sewerage Corporation (CAASD) the National Institute of Potable Water and Sewerage (Inapa) the Dominican Hydroelectric Generation Company (Egehid) among others.


Dominican Republic Economy - History

Only three decades after their arrival on Hispaniola (La Isla Espa ola) in 1492, Spanish mercantilists largely abandoned the island in favor of the gold and silver fortunes of Mexico and Peru. The remaining Spanish settlers briefly established an economic structure of Indian labor tied to land under the systems of repartimiento (grants of land and Indian labor) and encomienda (grants of Indian labor in return for tribute to the crown). The rapid decline of the Indian population ended the encomienda system by the mid-1500s, however. Little productive economic activity occurred in Eastern Hispaniola (the approximate site of the present-day Dominican Republic). The French assumed control of the western third of the island in 1697, establishing Saint- Domingue (modern-day Haiti), which developed into a productive agricultural center on the basis of black slave labor. In the eastern part of the island, cattle ranching was common, but farming was limited to comparatively small crops of sugar, coffee, and cacao.

The Spanish side of Hispaniola slowly developed a plantation economy during the nineteenth century, much later than the rest of the West Indies. For much of the century, political unrest disrupted normal economic activity and hindered development. Corrupt and inefficient government, by occupying Haitian forces and by self-serving Dominican caudillos, served mainly to increase the country's foreign debt. After failing to achieve independence from Spain in the Ten Years' War (1868-78), Cuban planters fled their homeland and settled in Hispaniola's fertile Cibao region, where they sowed tobacco and later cacao. When tobacco prices fell in the late nineteenth century, United States companies began to invest heavily in the large-scale cultivation of sugar, a crop that dominated the Dominican economy for most of the twentieth century.

The rise of the sugar industry represented only one aspect of growing United States influence on the island in the early twentieth century. In 1904 United States authorities established a receivership over Dominican customs to administer the repayment of the country's commercial debt to foreign holders of Dominican bonds. United States forces occupied the Dominican Republic from 1916 to 1924, for the purposes of restoring order and limiting European (primarily German) influence. Although security interests motivated the occupation, the United States also reaped commercial benefits. Dominican tobacco, cacao, and sugar, previously exported to French, German, and British markets, were shipped instead to the United States. The powerful United States sugar companies came to dominate banking and transportation, and they benefited from the partition of former communal lands, which allowed the companies to augment their holdings. Although politically unpopular, the United States presence helped stabilize Dominican finances and greatly improved the physical infrastructure, as roads, sanitation systems, ports, and schools were built. The United States Marines left in 1924, but United States economic advisors remained to manage customs revenues until 1932, two years into the thirty-one year Trujillo dictatorship.

For more than three decades, the Trujillo regime invested heavily in infrastructure, but the bulk of economic benefits accrued to the dictator, his family, and his associates. Trujillo's primary means of self-enrichment was the national sugar industry, which he rapidly expanded in the 1950s despite a depressed international market. In the process of establishing his enormous wealth, he forced peasants off their land, looted the national treasury, and built a personal fiefdom similar to those of the Somoza and the Duvalier families in Nicaragua and Haiti, respectively. Before his assassination in 1961, Trujillo and his coterie reputedly possessed more than 600,000 hectares of improved land and 60 percent of the nation's sugar, cement, tobacco, and shipping assets. This immense wealth encompassed eighty-seven enterprises, including twelve of the country's fifteen sugar mills. Although the economy experienced steady growth under Trujillo, roughly 6 percent a year in the 1950s, the unequal distribution of that growth impoverished rural Dominicans as thoroughly as were any of their counterparts elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere.

The period between Trujillo's assassination and the 1965 civil war was chaotic economically as well as politically. Instability prompted capital flight. While demands on spending increased--mainly as a result of social programs instituted under the presidency of Juan Bosch Gavi o (February-September, 1963)-- bureaucratic upheaval hampered the collection of needed revenue. The country's economy was buoyed to some extent by infusions of cash from abroad in the forms of foreign aid (mainly from the United States) and loans.

During the presidency of Joaqu n Balaguer Ricardo (1966-78), the country experienced a period of sustained economic growth characterized by relative political unity, economic diversification, the establishment of a developmental role for the state, and a more equitable distribution of the benefits of growth among the citizenry. During its peak growth period, from 1966 to 1976, the economy expanded at a rate of nearly 8 percent a year, one of the highest growth rates in the world at the time. With the formation of the National Planning Council in 1966, the national government assumed a developmental role after centuries of neglect. The Balaguer administration increased spending on social services, introduced the Industrial Incentive Law (Law 299) to protect domestic manufacturing and to spur more import substitution industries, and promoted mining, assembly manufacturing, construction, and tourism. Mining in particular took on a greater role, as that sector's share of exports grew from an insignificant level in 1970 to 38 percent by 1980. Land reform programs helped rural dwellers to improve their economic status somewhat, but government pricing policies and the trend toward urbanization inhibited growth in rural areas. The country's physical infrastructure--roads, ports, and airfields-- also expanded.

The apex of the Dominican economic "miracle" came in 1975 when sugar prices peaked, other commodity prices were high, and gold exports became significant. Despite these fortuitous circumstances, the country still failed to register a trade surplus that year, an indication of structural problems in the economy. Economic growth, slowed by the late 1970s as sugar prices fluctuated and the quadrupling of oil prices that began in 1973, turned the country's terms of trade sharply negative. Growing balance-of-payments shortfalls, declining government revenues resulting from widespread tax exemptions, and growing expenditures on state-operated companies rapidly increased the country's debt. The symbolic, if not the real, end of the Dominican economic "miracle" arrived in the form of Hurricane David and Hurricane Frederick in 1979. The two storms killed more than 1,000 Dominicans, and they caused an estimated US$1 billion in damage.

In the early 1980s, oil prices jumped again, international recession stifled the local economy, sugar prices hit a forty- year low, and unprecedentedly high interest rates on foreign loans spiraled the economy into a cycle of balance-of-payments deficits and growing external debt. Because economic growth averaged slightly above 1 percent per annum during the first half of the decade, per capita income declined. Another devastating blow was dealt in the 1980s by reduced United States sugar quotas, in response to the lobbying efforts of domestic producers, which served to cut the volume of Dominican sugar exports to the United States by 70 percent between 1981 and 1987. The unstable economic situation prompted the administration of Salvador Jorge Blanco (1982-86) to enter into a series of negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and to begin to restructure government economic policies. In 1983 the Jorge government signed a three-year Extended Fund Facility with the IMF that called for lower fiscal deficits, tighter credit policies, and other austerity measures. This paved the way for the first in a series of rescheduling agreements with foreign creditors. Although the reschedulings slowed the pace of repayment, the higher consumer prices that resulted from the agreements sparked food riots. The administration consequently suspended the agreements. In 1985 the Jorge government signed a one-year IMF Standby Agreement that included more austerity measures and the floating of the Dominican Republic peso in relation to the dollar for the first time in decades. Serious differences of opinion over the pace of reforms again ended the agreement prematurely, and the electorate ousted Jorge's Dominican Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Dominicano--PRD) in 1986 in favor of former president Balaguer, who evoked memories of the economic growth of the 1970s.

In contrast to Jorge, the Balaguer administration, refusing to negotiate with the IMF, sought to avoid the austere economic conditions that IMF agreements usually entailed. The economy expanded rapidly in 1987, but then contracted sharply in 1988, largely in response to government spending patterns. Balaguer's continued devaluation of the peso maintained the country's burgeoning export sector and tourist trade, but eroded the quality of life of poorer Dominicans earning fixed salaries. The administration's expansionary fiscal policies also fueled unprecedented inflation (prices rose 60 percent in 1988 alone), which worsened economic conditions for poor people. By the close of the decade, the country's foreign debt had reached nearly US$4 billion, roughly double the 1980 figure.

High levels of inflation, increasing debt, and persistent deficits masked several positive trends during the 1980s. The most positive development was the country's rapid diversification away from its dependence on sugar. New jobs in assembly manufacturing offset many of the lost jobs in the cane fields. Employment in assembly operations grew from 16,000 in 1980 to nearly 100,000 by 1989. This represented the world's fastest growth in free-zone employment during the 1980s. By 1987 the value of assembly exports surpassed that of traditional agricultural exports. The Dominican Republic also enjoyed the Caribbean's fastest growth in tourism during the 1980s. Although the mining industry suffered from low prices and labor disputes, it contributed a significant percentage of foreign exchange as well. The agricultural sector also diversified to a limited degree with a new emphasis on the export of nontraditional items such as tropical fruits (particularly pineapple), citrus, and ornamental plants to the United States under the Caribbean Basin Initiative.


Dominikaanse Republiek

The economy experienced a recession in 2020 for the first time in decades, as the country was hit by the COVID-19 pandemic. The first COVID-19 case was confirmed in early-March 2020 and a national emergency was implemented since then, leading to the enforcement a national curfew, as well as the closure of borders and non-essential businesses. Moreover, the state of emergency and the curfew have been extended several times. In 2021, GDP is expected to partially rebound, but activity by the end of 2021 will still be 2.2% lower than in 2019. While tourism (which accounts for roughly 16% of GDP) did reopen on 1 July 2020, it is not likely to rebound strongly in 2021. This is underpinned by the fact that some potential travellers will remain cautious until a COVID-19 vaccine is widely applied. This will negatively influence the pace of resumption of gross fixed investments and household consumption (due to a slow recovery on the job market and higher inflation). Regarding the trade balance, exports (gold, tobacco, textiles and electronic) are likely to improve in 2021. This will be driven by the expected recovery of the U.S. economy, the major destination for Dominican Republic’s exports (54% of total foreign sales in 2019). Downside risks are mostly related to the COVID-19 pandemic’s evolution.

Large COVID-19 induced fiscal and external imbalances partially shrunk

The COVID-19 put the fiscal balance under considerable strain. During his last months in office, the former president Danilo Medina announced a series of countercyclical fiscal stimulus measures. The latter were then extended until the end of 2020 by the newly elected President Abinader, who promulgated a Supplemental Budget Law of around 4.5% of GDP in September 2020. As a result, gross public debt strongly deteriorated last year. In order to cover part of the higher financing needs, policymakers ensured loans from multilateral institutions, such as the IMF (USD 650 million) and the World Bank (USD 250 million). In 2021, the fiscal deficit should only partially ease, since a full-fledged economic recovery is unlikely. Moreover, the COVID-19 also triggered a shock on the external accounts in 2020. On the one hand, taking into account January to September 2020 figures, the trade balance deficit narrowed thanks to a relatively higher drop in imports (particularly the oil bill) compared to exports. Alongside, remittances from Dominicans living abroad surprisingly increased to USD 5.8 billion (+ 11% in comparison with the same period of 2019). Nevertheless, the services account surplus strongly deteriorated (travel revenues plummeted by 65% year-on-year reaching USD 2 billion, down from USD 5.8 billion in the same period of 2019). Meanwhile, foreign direct investment in the country shrunk by 13%, reaching USD 2 billion during the period. In addition, the external public debt amounted to 38% of GDP (26.3% of GDP in September 2019). This increase is mainly due to the amounts disbursed due to sovereign bond issues to combat the economic effects of COVID-19. Finally, foreign reserves stood at USD 10.6 billion in the same period (covering over 6 months of imports.

Despite the change in power, pro-business environment should be preserved

President Luis Abinader of the centre-left opposition Partido Revolucionario Moderno took office on 16 August 2020. His victory put an end to the 16-year power period of the centrist Dominican Liberation Party. Mr. Abinader has a majority in Congress (18 out of 32 Senate seats and 92 out of 190 seats in the lower house). He promised a universal minimum subsistence wage of 10,000 pesos (USD 173) and has indicated his intention to fix the fiscal imbalances, including through measures such as the broadening of the tax base (as recommended by IMF). Nevertheless, the social and economic challenges imposed by COVID-19 will probably delay his plans. Moreover, during the campaign, he stressed out the need to combat corruption, as well as strengthen the government’s contracting and procurement processes. In 2017 and 2018, Marcha Verde demonstrations were organised to denounce corruption and call for the conviction of political leaders accused of taking bribes from Odebrecht, a Brazilian company. Finally, regarding the tense cross-border relations with Haiti, president Abinader said in October 2020 that while he is willing to collaborate in solidarity with the constant crisis in Haiti, he defends that any response must come from the entire international community.


Kyk die video: DOMINICAANSE REPUBLIEK Travel Vlog in HD + Drone, part 1: Punta Cana u0026 Samaná


Kommentaar:

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  3. Ner

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