Anti -militarisme

Anti -militarisme


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Ek lees “All Hell Let Loose” deur Max Hastings en in die tweede hoofstuk van The Polish Campaign. Die skrywer noem dit Britte het 'n anti-militaristiese tradisie en was 'n bron van trots vir die mense. Wel, hoe kan 'n mens 'n keiserlike mag word en die helfte van die wêreld regeer as jy anti-militarisme beoefen?


Britse pasifisme en anti-militarisme was net 'n modegier

As ons praat oor die Britse pasifistiese en anti-militaristiese tradisie, draai dit grootliks om die Peace Society en mense soos Robert Spence Watson, John Scott, ens. maar hulle het beperkte politieke invloed gehad. Sekerlik, daar was min parlementslede onder hulle (soos Richard Cobden), maar nie naastenby genoeg om die buitelandse beleid te beïnvloed nie. Alhoewel hulle 'n veldtog teen die Britse imperialisme gehad het, geniet die meeste van hierdie mense welvaart wat daardeur geskep is. In hierdie opsig was hulle soortgelyk aan laasgenoemde sjampanje -sosialiste. Anders as laasgenoemde hippiebeweging, het hulle nie die jeug ondersteun nie. Dit lyk eintlik asof hulle nie eens sulke ondersteuning wou hê nie. In plaas daarvan was dit genoeg dat hulle vanuit morele hoogtepunte preek in hul meestal privaat byeenkomste van die hoër samelewing. Let op dat selfs hippies in die 60's nie veel bereik het nie (militêre besteding het voortgegaan omdat dit 'n hoogtepunt was van die Koue Oorlog), en Britse pasifiste was tot vandag toe nog minder suksesvol.


Anti-oorlog beweging

'N Groeiende Amerikaanse ongevallelys en die onseker vooruitsigte om Hanoi uit die oorlog te verdryf, het geleidelik die byna eenparige goedkeuring van die resolusie van die Tonkin-golf in 1964 omskep in wydverspreide kongres- en gewilde opposisie teen die oorlog. Doves het kwaad geword. In die stede San Francisco en Chicago het anti-oorlog demonstrasies plaasgevind.

Meer en meer studente het begin protesteer. Hulle wou hê dat die oorlog vinnig moes eindig. Doves het kwaad geword. In die stede San Francisco en Chicago het anti-oorlog demonstrasies plaasgevind. Meer en meer studente het begin protesteer. Hulle wou hê dat die oorlog vinnig moes eindig. Teenstand teen die oorlog en die regering se oorlogsbeleid het gelei tot groter en groter protesoptogte. Studies is gedoen om die mening van Amerikaners oor die kwessie te meet. In 'n studie in Julie 1967 het 'n bietjie meer as die helfte van die mense ondervra dat hulle nie die president se beleid goedkeur nie.

Na die demonstrasie in Oktober 1967 in die Pentagon, het Carl Albert, leier van die Huis Demokratiese Republiek, gesê dat die optoggangers 'elke kommunistiese en kommunistiese simpatiseerder insluit wat die reis kon onderneem'. Hy het ook aangekla dat die betoging “basies deur internasionale kommunisme gereël is”. Die Republikeinse vloerleier Gerald Ford onthul toe dat president Johnson tydens 'n Withuis -vergadering vir hom en ander Republikeinse leiers 'n geheime verslag voorgelees het wat onthul dat die betoging deur internasionale kommunisme gereël is. Hy het gevra dat die verslag openbaar gemaak word. Prokureur -generaal, Ramsey Clark, het Ford besoek en gesê dat die verslag nie onthul kan word sonder om inligtingbronne in gevaar te stel en 'n nuwe golf van 'McCarthyism' te skep nie. Hierdie eis is ook deur die minister van buitelandse sake, Dean Rusk, gemaak. Ford het aangevoer dat die Amerikaanse volk volwasse genoeg is om sulke inligting te ontvang sonder om histeries te reageer.

Onder druk van die Johnson en Nixon White Houses om te bepaal of daar 'buitelandse invloed' is agter protesoptogte en swart militante aktiwiteite, het die CIA begin met die insameling van intelligensie oor binnelandse politieke groepe. Joseph Califano, 'n hoofassistent van president Johnson, het op 27 Januarie 1976 aan die intelligensiekomitee van die senaat getuig dat hoë regeringsamptenare nie kon glo dat ''n saak wat so duidelik vir die land reg is, soos hulle dit sien, so wyd aangeval sal word nie as daar nie 'n [vreemde] mag daaragter was nie. " Die direkteur van die CIA, Richard Helms, het getuig dat die enigste manier waarop die CIA sy gevolgtrekking dat daar geen beduidende buitelandse invloed op die binnelandse meningsverskil was nie, ondanks ongeloof in die Withuis kon ondersteun, was om die dekking van CHAOS voortdurend uit te brei. Slegs deur te kan aantoon dat dit alle anti-oorlogspersone en alle kontakte tussen hulle en enige vreemde persoon ondersoek het, kon die CIA 'die negatiewe' bewys dat niemand onder buitelandse oorheersing was nie.

CIA berig 15 November 1967 "Diversiteit is die mees opvallende kenmerk van die vredesbeweging in die buiteland en in die buiteland. Dit is juis hierdie diversiteit wat dit onmoontlik maak om spesifieke politieke of ideologiese etikette aan enige belangrike deel van die beweging te heg. Diversiteit beteken dat Daar is geen enkele fokus in die beweging nie. Gesamentlike optrede op internasionale skaal is slegs moontlik omdat koördinasie hanteer word deur 'n klein groep toegewyde mans, waarvan die meeste radikaal georiënteerd is, wat hulself aangewend het vir aktiewe leierskap in die sleutelorganisasies. Kontakte met die amptenaar van Hanoi, Amerikaanse vredesaktiviste in die algemeen handel nie met buitelandse regerings nie. Moskou misbruik en kan inderdaad die Amerikaanse afgevaardigdes beïnvloed. hierdie Amerikaanse aktiviste en buitelandse regerings is beperk.

Die belangrikste meganisme vir die koördinering van binne- en buitelandse protesaktiwiteite met betrekking tot Viëtnam was die "mobiliseringskomitee" [die "mobe"]. Uit die Studentemobiliseringskomitee van 1966 ontwikkel die Spring Mobilization Committee (SMC), wat op sy beurt opgevolg is deur die huidige National Mobilization Committee (NMC). Die beamptes wat in die uitvoerende liggame van die NMC aangestel is, was talle, wat die breë basis van die koalisie weerspieël, maar die werklike verantwoordelikheid was blykbaar in die hande van 'n paar. Die name van hierdie sleutelkoördineerders het gereeld verskyn, waar die aksie ook al gebeur.

David Dellinger, die voorste Amerikaanse vredesaktivis, het in Mei 1963 gesê dat hy ''n Kommunis, maar nie van die Sowjet -tipe was nie', volgens 'n FBI -bron. organisasies sedert die 1930's en later saam met die Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party en verskeie kommunistiese frontgroepe. Hy is ook bekend vir sy betrokkenheid by pro-Castro-organisasies.

Noue persoonlike koördinasie tussen Amerikaanse aktiviste en die Noord -Viëtnamese het blykbaar in 1965 begin. Die destydse DRV nooi Herbert Aptheker, prominente CPUSA -teoretikus en direkteur van die American Institute for Marxist Studies, om Hanoi te besoek. Aptheker stel op sy beurt voor dat hy vergesel word van Staughton Lynd, voormalige professor in Yale en 'n leier van die Amerikaanse komitee vir nie -gewelddadige optrede (CNVA), en Thomas Hayden, 'n militante burgerregte -werker en 'n stigter van die SDS. Die drietal het Hanoi in Desember 1965 besoek.

Die NMC, hoofborg van die vredesdemonstrasie in Oktober 1967 in Washington, was 'n direkte uitvloeisel van die Spring Mobilization Committee om die oorlog in Viëtnam (SMC) te beëindig. SMC is gestig om die betoging in April 1967 teen die Viëtnam -oorlog en die konsep te koördineer. Die NMC was nie 'n aksiegroep nie. Dit is 'n koördinerende uitrusting wat verantwoordelik is vir die verspreiding van inligting en literatuur aan ander vredesgroepe en aan die algemene publiek. Dit het demonstrasies gekoördineer, die nodige permitte verkry, met die burgerlike owerhede onderhandel vir geriewe en verleen regshulp indien nodig. Behalwe vir die min betaalde professionele bestuurders, kan die NMC eenvoudig as 'n versameling plaaslike vredesgroepe gekategoriseer word.

Kommunistiese penetrasie van die organisasie was op verskeie vlakke duidelik, maar die NMC was so uiteenlopend in sy samestelling en organisatories los, dat dit nie 'n maklike teken was vir klassieke kommunistiese manipulasie nie. Baie lede van die NMC-leierskap, waaronder voorsitter David Dellinger en ondervoorsitter Jerry Rubin, het deur die jare kennis gehad met en verbintenis met kommuniste en kommunistiese groepe. Beide Dellinger en Rubin was ook sterk ondersteuners van Castro en sy beweging.

Die "Amerikaanse vredesbeweging" was nie een nie, maar baie bewegings en die betrokke groepe is so uiteenlopend as talryk. materialiste, internasionaliste en isolationiste, demokrate en totalitariërs, konserwatiewes en revolusionêre, kapitaliste en sosialiste, patriotte en subversiewe, prokureurs en anargiste, staliniste en trotskiete, muskoviete en pekingese, rassiste en universaliste, yweraars en ongelowiges, puriteine ​​en hippies, doogoods en kwaaddoeners, gewelddadig en baie gewelddadig. Een ding bring hulle almal bymekaar: hul verset teen Amerikaanse optrede in Viëtnam.

"As gevolg van hul infiltrasie in die leierskap van belangrike vredesgroepe, slaag die kommuniste daarin om 'n oneweredige invloed uit te oefen op die groepe se beleid en optrede. Dit bly egter te betwyfel dat hierdie invloed beheers word. Die grootste deel van die 'Viëtnam-protes aktiwiteit sou daar wees met of sonder die kommunistiese element. Die CPUSA benut met ander woorde baat by anti -regeringsaktiwiteit, maar dit blyk nie dat dit dit inspireer of lei nie. "

FBI-verslagdoening oor protesoptredes teen die Viëtnam-oorlog bied 'n voorbeeld van die manier waarop die inligting wat aan besluitnemers verstrek word, skeefgetrek kan word. In ooreenstemming met 'n uitspraak wat reeds deur president Johnson uitgespreek is, het die Buro se verslae oor betogings teen die oorlog in Viëtnam beklemtoon dat kommunistiese pogings om die anti-oorlogsbeweging te beïnvloed, beklemtoon word en dat die oorgrote meerderheid van die betogers nie kommunisties beheer word nie.

RL Shackleford, 'n hoof van die afdeling vir intelligensie -afdeling van die FBI, het op 13 Februarie 1976 aan die Senaat se intelligensiekomitee gesê dat hy nie 'aan baie' groot demonstrasies in hierdie land kon dink 'wat die afgelope jaar nie veroorsaak is deur' die Kommunistiese Party of die Sosialistiese Werkers nie Partytjie. In reaksie op die ondervraging het die Afdelingshoof elf spesifieke demonstrasies sedert 1965 gelys. Drie hiervan was hoofsaaklik SDS -demonstrasies, hoewel sommige individuele kommuniste wel aan een daarvan deelgeneem het. Ses ander is gereël deur die Nasionale (of Nuwe) Mobiliseringskomitee, wat volgens die Afdelingshoof onderhewig was aan die "invloed" van die Kommunistiese en Sosialistiese Arbeidersparty. Maar die afdelingshoof het erken dat die mobiliseringskomitee 'waarskynlik' 'n wye spektrum mense uit alle elemente van die Amerikaanse samelewing insluit. Die FBI het nie beweer dat die Socialist Workers Party deur enige buitelandse regering oorheers of beheer word nie.

Die 1969 'valaanval' wat duisende betogers in Oktober en November 1969 na Washington gebring het, het vier organisasies betrek: Die Vietnam Moratorium Committee, die Student Mobilization Committee, die New Mobilization Committee [New MOBE] en die SDS. Die doel van die valoffensief was om die administrasie te druk tot onmiddellike, eensydige onttrekking van Amerikaanse troepe uit Viëtnam.

Vanaf geboorte was Student Mobe 'n verenigde frontorganisasie, 'n kombinasie van verskillende groepe, baie openlik kommunisties, wat hul pogings verenig om soveel moontlik jongmense by die anti-Viëtnam-oorlogsbeweging te betrek. In die middel van 1968 het daar egter 'n belangrike verandering plaasgevind. As gevolg van 'n lang pruttende vete, het die CPUSA-element in 'n geraas uitgestap en die jong "Trots" in bevel gelaat. Soos J. Edgar Hoover in 1969 gesê het, word Student MOBE "beheer deur lede van die Young Socialist Alliance, die jeuggroep van die Socialist Workers Party." Sedert die stigting daarvan, het Student MOBE gedien as die regterarm van die naamsveranderende volwasse MOBE, wat studente-ondersteuning gereël het vir die Vietnamweek, die Pentagon-konfrontasie, ens.

Meer as 500 000 Amerikaners het in Oktober 1969 by 'n 'moratorium' aangesluit om die Amerikaanse militêre betrokkenheid in Suid -Viëtnam teë te staan. 'N Maand later het die grootste demonstrasie teen oorlog in die geskiedenis van die Verenigde State, wat vir dieselfde doel opgevoer is, in Washington self plaasgevind. Die nasionale moratorium, met miljoene wat deelneem aan die grootste anti -oorlogsbetoging in 'n westerse demokrasie, Die Amerikaanse vlag by die Departement van Justisie is afgetrek en - indien slegs kortliks - vervang deur die vlag van die Viet Cong. Op dieselfde dag, 15 November, het demonstrasies teen die VS-in-Viëtnam in baie lande plaasgevind. Dit was geen toeval nie. Dit is alles noukeurig gekoördineer.

Die Nuwe Mobiliseringskomitee, tegnies die borg van die demonstrasies in Washington op 15 November, het baie verklarings afgelê dat dit geweld ontken en slegs 'n vreedsame, ordelike betoging wil hê. Die mobilisering van studente het dieselfde gedoen. Die Moratoriumkomitee het nog altyd die standpunt ingeneem. SDS het ook belowe dat dit nie geweld sal aanhits nie.

Daar is net nie genoeg volwaardige kommunistiese partylede in hierdie land nie - selfs die Moskowiete, die Pekingese, die Trotskyiste en al die splintergroepe saam - om 'n demonstrasie van so 'n omvang aan te bied dat dit nasionale en internasionale belang kan hê. Hulle het nie -kommuniste by hul optrede aangewend - baie van hulle: die 100 persent medereisigers wat altyd op die saak kan saamstem, sowel as die minder medereisigers wat reageer op sekere kwessies, die onafhanklike radikale en ekstremiste, die nie -party -marxiste, die pasifiste (veral handig vir 'vredes' -operasies), die wanbestandheid en enigiemand anders wat hulle kan lok, uitroei of laat dink om vir hul doel te werk. Dit moet egter beklemtoon word dat New MOBE nie 'n kommunistiese "front" was in die tradisionele sin van die term nie.

Die aankondiging deur president Nixon op die aand van 30 April 1970 dat hy 'n gesamentlike inval in die VS.-Suid-Viëtnam in Kambodja goedgekeur het, veroorsaak 'n onmiddellike openbare reaksie en herleef 'n anti-oorlogsbeweging wat steeds steun onder die groter bevolking verloor het. as gevolg van studente se toenemend gewelddadige en vernietigende taktiek.

In Mei 1970 begin 'n periode van drie weke van protesoptogte en betogings op universiteitskampusse regoor die land, wat op 4 Mei 'n hoogtepunt bereik het met die dood van vier betogers aan die hand van National Guardsmen aan die Kent State University. Die uitbarsting van studente -protes in die hele land was ongekend. Met meer as die helfte van die meer as 2 500 universiteite en kolleges wat een of ander vorm van protesoptog teen anti-oorlog beleef het, en na raming 1,5 miljoen studente wat deelgeneem het, was dit die grootste reeks massademonstrasies in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis.

Ondanks die dood van betogers by Kent State en aan die Jackson State University in Mississippi tien dae later, was die betogings wat in Mei 1970 aan die kampusse geraak het, oorweldigend vreedsaam. Volgens 'n studie, van die sowat 1,350 kolleges en universiteite wat tydens die maand teenoorlogse betogings gesien het, was slegs drie-en-sewentig getuies van geweld in enige vorm.

Die gebeure van Mei 1970 by universiteite regoor die land was die laaste groot snak van die studente teen-oorlogsbeweging. Terwyl studente die somer vertrek, het kampusse weer stil geword. Die Kambodjaanse inval en die gevolglike protesoptogte het nuwe lewe geblaas in 'n beweging wat op lewensondersteuning was, maar die momentum wat so vinnig ontstaan ​​het, het ewe skielik tot stilstand gekom. Soos 'n historikus dit stel, het die studentebeweging "nooit herstel van die somervakansie van 1970 nie".


'N Nuwe militêre geskiedenis van die Italiaanse Risorgimento en Anti-Risorgimento: die geval van' transnasionale soldate '

Die artikel bespreek nuwe studies van buitelandse soldate in die Italiaanse gewapende groepe van die (Anti-) Risorgimento teen die agtergrond van onlangse studie oor 'transnasionale soldate', wat erkenning gee aan die kompleksiteit van buitelanders se aanvanklike beweegredes en die transnasionale prosesse binne die enkele leërs. Die artikel suggereer dat baie aspekte van die soldaatervaring in die multinasionale gewapende groepe aan alle kante van die Risorgimento eintlik van die alledaagse strukture van die militêre lewe tot die persepsies van die rang-en-lêer gevorder het, eerder as om die nasionale grense te vermy. Hierdie artikel toon verder aan dat die militêre kulture van die nasionaliste en die anti-eenheidsmagte baie meer poreus en wedersyds konstituerend was as wat dikwels erken word. Die geskiedenis van die 'transnasionale soldate' in die gewapende groepe van die Risorgimento en Anti-Risorgimento is van kardinale belang vir 'n moontlik nuwe, vergelykende geskiedenis van die gewapende groepe van die (Anti-) Risorigmento. Hierdie artikel ondersoek benaderings tot die kultureel herleefde 'nuwe militêre geskiedenis' en stel voor dat dit nog baie ongerealiseerde potensiaal bied vir Risorgimento -historiografie.


'N Geskiedenis van anti-Spaanse bedrog in die Verenigde State

Dit het nog nooit so erg gelyk vir die Spaans nie. Die seine is skerp en erg: 'n Verdrinkte pa wat 'n dooie dogter omhels. 'N Alleenstaande ma, wat haar teen 'n gewapende grenspatrollie -agent verdedig, met 'n verskrikte kleuter aan haar sy. 'N Diatribe wat blankes blaas om die land te suiwer van 'n stygende bruin gety. 'N Walmart in El Paso, besaai met dooies. Karavane van die hoopvolle wat bereid is om verontwaardiging te ly, hul gesinne te versplinter, in hokke te kruip, stel die lewe self in gevaar vir 'n verre droom. En dreig oor dit alles: 'n president wat sy skouers optrek as 'n stem in die skare skree: 'Skiet hulle! ”En wat vir Hispanics met wortels in hierdie land sê om terug te gaan na die putte waar hulle hoort. Dit lyk asof die grond verskuif het in hierdie land van die saamgeperste massas.

Dit het nie. Dit is langdurige wrokke. Eeue lank word hulle gevoed deur onkunde, rassisme en hardnekkige onwilligheid om 'n bevolking te verstaan ​​wie se voorouers miljoene lank hier was - lank voordat die eerste pelgrim sy voete op Plymouth Rock gesit het.

Af en toe borrel die animus. Maar hardnekkigheid teenoor Hispanics was sedert die Founding Fathers 'n Amerikaanse konstante. Nie tien jaar nadat hy die Onafhanklikheidsverklaring opgestel het nie, stel Thomas Jefferson selfvoldaan voor dat hierdie Verenigde State Latyns -Amerika moontlik "stuk vir stuk" wil wegraap. John Adams was van mening dat 'n rewolusie in Suid -Amerika 'aangenaam' sou wees, maar hy wou min te doen hê met ''n meer onkundige, meer kranige, bygelowiger, meer implisiet geloofwaardige in die heiligheid van koninklikes, meer blindelings toegewy aan hul priesters. . . as enige ander in Europa, selfs in Spanje ”-daarin slaag om 'n godsdiens te demoniseer en 'n hele menslike orde in 'n tweet-staat en pittige retoriese floreer te ontslaan.

Die haat was nie net vir Latyns -Amerika gereserveer nie, maar ook vir die owerste, die Spaanse - 'n haat wat die Engelse geërf het, wat eeue lank teen Spanje geveg het, sy silwer en goud versend het na Europa en Asië en voordeel getrek het uit die wanbestuurde wanbestuur van Spanje. rykdom. Meer verwoest, het dit uitgebrei tot die lankmoedige inheemse bevolking wat die Europese aankomelinge voorafgegaan het. Die rede was nie veel anders as die argumente wat Europa kort ná die verowering aangegryp het nie: Was die inheemse mense werklik? Was dit nie meer waarskynlik dat dit lasdiere was nie? Wie hulle ook al was, hulle was skaars van groot belang. Hulle was bedoel om die grond, die myne, die stene te bewerk en die kinders van die veroweraars te dra. Die wet het ingestem.

Teen die middel van die 19de eeu, toe die Verenigde State sy grense verbysteek en sy heerskappy in die voorheen Mexikaanse lande, wat nou Texas, Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, Utah, Nevada en Kalifornië is, stoot, het die inheemse bevolking 'n mestizo geword. mense van gemengde rasse. Tog het die rancour voortgegaan. Presidente John Tyler en James Polk het grondgebied na gebied beslag gelê in 'n koorsagtige veldtog om Amerika se Manifest Destiny uit te brei: met ander woorde om die deugde van Amerikaanse superioriteit te versprei. 'N Groot uitbreidingsprojek het gevolg tot in die natuur van die Rio Grande. Die Verdrag van Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, wat die einde van die Mexikaans-Amerikaanse oorlog beteken het, het 55 persent van Mexiko se gebied aan die Verenigde State oorhandig. Maar die oorwinning het gekom met gyselaars: die Mexikaanse Amerikaanse volk. Die wrokende bevolking was nie maklik om uit te roei nie deur oorlog of uitspraak. Daar was te veel om op trane te beland of na 'n verre ballingskap gestuur te word, en dit was nuttig, as dit erg was. Hulle het die grond geken, die grond bewerk en kon vir wit owerste aan die werk gesit word.

Uiteindelik het president William Taft gekraai, "die hele halfrond sal ons s'n wees, aangesien dit op grond van ons meerderwaardigheid van ras reeds moreel ons s'n is." Taft het die hand van Porfirio Díaz in die berugte diktator se moorddadige heerskappy oor die Mexikaanse volk gestaal, om niks te veel om die beskerming van Amerikaanse sakebelange nie en om die Amerikaanse besetting van Nicaragua te beveel.

Maar die hand wat na Mexiko uitgesteek is, strek nie na Mexikaanse Amerikaners in die land van Taft nie. Lynchings of Hispanics het gedurende die jare legio geword van Kalifornië na Wyoming, en hulle is geïgnoreer, slegs gevolg deur woedende Mexikaanse diplomate wat min krag gehad het om die bloedbad te beheer. Namate die begin van die 20ste eeu vorder, het die onbestendige politiek van ons suidelike buurman nog meer Mexikaanse emigrasie na die Verenigde State aangespoor, wat Amerikaanse sakelui verbly het wat goedkoop arbeid nodig gehad het om spoorweë te bou, dorpe op te rig, op boerderye te swoeg en oor landbouvelde te buk. Mexikaanse Amerikaners is gesoek vanweë hul sweet, hul militêre diens, hul belasting, maar nie vir hul kinders of hul onderneming nie.

Wrok teen 'n groeiende Spaanse teenwoordigheid in stede en skole het stem gevind in slegs Engelse uitgawes, wat wit Amerikaners aangemoedig het om Latino's as 'n onwelkome buitelandse klas te behandel. In die klein dorpie Three Rivers in Texas, is 'n Spaanse soldaat wat terugkeer uit die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in 'n kis, 'n behoorlike begrafnis geweier. Verder wes, in Kalifornië, het politieke tekenprente en misdaadromanskrywers 'n stygende gety van jong Mexikaanse Amerikaanse mans as 'n bedreiging gekenmerk. In Los Angeles het duisende soldate en burgerlikes in 1943 op Spaanse jongmense neergedaal in 'n gewelddadige aanval bekend as die Zoot Suit Riots. Bruin Amerikaners is in gesegregeerde gemeenskappe gedruk, wat verbied is om in die jurie te dien, en hul kinders moet na 'Mexikaanse' skole gaan. In die suide van Arizona is trekarbeiders wat ontvoer is, ontvoer, beroof, gemartel - hul voete gebrand oor vuur - en aangesê om huis toe te gaan.

Binne ons eie lewens het dinge dikwels somber gelyk. 'Latyns -Amerika maak nie saak nie,' het Richard Nixon gesê, selfs terwyl hy riglyne uitgevaardig het om die ekonomie van Chili te versmoor en 'n ongemaklike sosialistiese regering op sy knieë te bring. 'Mense gee nie 'n s ---' oor die plek nie. Minister van buitelandse sake, Henry Kissinger, was dit eens: wat daar gebeur, het 'geen belang nie', het hy gesê. En dus was Amerikaners nie baie nuuskierig oor die streek wat ons groeiende Spaanse bevolking voed nie. Ons sal alles vir Latyns -Amerika doen, behalwe om daaroor te lees, het James Reston, 'n voormalige uitvoerende redakteur van die New York Times, eenkeer gesê. "Jy sal verbaas wees!" Ronald Reagan het aan die Amerikaanse volk gesê, na sy eerste amptelike reis na Sentraal -Amerika. 'Hulle is almal individuele lande!'

Dit behoort dus niemand te verbaas dat 'n generasie later, in 2006, Hal Turner, 'n prominente gasheer vir radioprogramme in New Jersey, wie se program oor die hele land uitgesaai word, sou verlustig in die idee van Latyns-Amerika as die sinistere, donker kontinent. 'Hierdie vuil, siekte-geteisterde, twee-been sakke menslike puin is te dom om te glo,' het hy in die lug gesê. 'Dink net, Amerika, as ons genoeg van hulle hierheen bring, kan hulle presies doen wat hulle vir Mexiko vir Amerika gedoen het! Verander ons hele land in 'n kriminele kriminele krotbuurt. . . . Hierdie mense is onmenslik. Ek sal dit baie geniet as mense wat sulke wapens het, dit op die skare gebruik. . . . Ek beveel aan dat hierdie indringers op hul saamtrekke doodskiet! ”

Dit is nie 'n groot sprong van die woorde wat 'n dosyn jaar gelede op Amerikaanse radiogolwe uitgespreek is nie, na die retoriek in die verklaring wat verband hou met die El Paso -skietverdagte ("As ons van genoeg mense ontslae kan raak, kan ons lewenswyse meer volhoubaar ”). En dit is nie ver van etikette soos 'submenslik' tot die tweets van 'n president nie: van woorde soos 'dom', 'vuil', 'menslike puin' tot woorde soos 'verkragters', 'misdadigers', 'inval'. Hierdie beledigings teen Latino's was in die een of ander vorm baie lank in die Amerikaanse taal.


'N Kort geskiedenis van waar al hierdie anti-trans-dinge vandaan kom, en waarom u bekommerd moet wees

Brynn Tannehill, 'n ontleder wat spesialiseer in trans-kwessies, het 'n inleiding getwiet op die agtergrond agter die onlangse vlaag anti-transgenderwetgewing wat nodig is om te lees vir almal wat wonder hoe trans mense die nuwe teiken van die godsdienstige regs geword het.

Dit het begin toe 'n haatgroep teen LGBTQ $ 10 000 bestee het om 'n valse 'feministiese' groep te begin.

'' 'N Kort geskiedenis van waar al hierdie anti-trans-dinge vandaan kom en waarom u u moet bekommer,' het Tannehill geplaas. "Die moeite werd om te lees, kyk gerus."

Hierna volg 'n tydlyn van die bewerings wat tot die verskuiwing van fokus gelei het. Daar was geld om te verdien en mag te verkry vir haatgroepe en evangeliese leiers het 'n boogeyman nodig gehad - daarom het hulle een gemaak.

Dit 'dui daarop dat dit waarskynlik 'n wigkwessie in 2022 en in die algemene verkiesing in 2024', sê Tannehill, 'maak dit die eerste keer in 20 jaar dat LGBT -kwessies in 'n presidentsverkiesing gesentreer is en dat die GOP dink dat hulle openlik hierop kan wen. ”

2015: Nadat hulle die stryd teen huweliksgelykheid verloor het, maar gewen het teen LGBT -beskermingswette, besluit die godsdienstige regsleierskap om die fokus op trans -mense te verskuif via badkamerrekeninge, vreesaanvalle en 'n wigkwessie te maak. 2/nhttps: //t.co/H4vebDyFDz

- Cassandra van Troy (@BrynnTannehill) 12 April 2021

2015: Die VVK publiseer sy plan trans mense: geen wetlike erkenning, geen wetlike beskerming, geen oorgangsverwante gesondheidsorg en geen trans mense in die weermag nie. Dit moedig eerder godsdiensgebaseerde bekeringsterapie aan. 4/nhttps: //t.co/zSDj87emcM

- Cassandra van Troy (@BrynnTannehill) 12 April 2021

2017: Ondanks die feit dat hy 'n veldtog uitgevoer het wat LGBT -kwessies grootliks vermy het, maak Trump sy basis vinnig stil en wil hy transpersone uit die weermag verbied en federale beskerming herroep. Die VVK en Ryan Anderson van Heritage is belangrike beïnvloeders. 6/n https://t.co/EL7FDi9wKk

- Cassandra van Troy (@BrynnTannehill) 12 April 2021

2020: Die APP, 'n godsdienstige regte PAC, betaal die RNC en probeer om die 2020 -verkiesing oor transmense as 'n wig te maak, met die fokus op trans -jeug sport en medisyne. Hoewel hulle destyds onsuksesvol was, slaag hulle na die verkiesing. 8/nhttps: //t.co/1Si3ZpHTLP

- Cassandra van Troy (@BrynnTannehill) 12 April 2021

2021: Tucker Carlson en Fox News verhoog die anti-trans-dekking tot ongekende vlakke (verskeie segmente per dag) wat grootliks die verklaarde doelwitte van die godsdienstige reg weerspieël en die Republikeine wat nie drakonies genoeg is nie, beskaam. 10/n https://t.co/WP3aqej9Ck

- Cassandra van Troy (@BrynnTannehill) 12 April 2021

2021: 'n Rekord aantal antitrans-wetsontwerpe gaan deur die staat se wetgewers. Die meeste gebruik modeltaal wat deur ADF verskaf word, en is gerig op die trans -jeug in sport en medisyne. Sommige badkamerrekeninge ook. Baie slaag. Dit is die ergste ooit. 12/nhttps: //t.co/Hpvbbxb97W

- Cassandra van Troy (@BrynnTannehill) 12 April 2021

7 April 2021: Carlson verklaar dat transgenders 'n bedreiging vir die voortbestaan ​​van die menslike spesie is, wat impliseer dat die minimalisering daarvan meer is as net 'n morele noodsaaklikheid, en dat dit 'n eksistensiële bedreiging vir uitgeskakel is. 13/nhttps: //t.co/STUKBwitvK

- Cassandra van Troy (@BrynnTannehill) 12 April 2021

As 'afsonderlike maar gelyke' as 'oplossing' vir die 'trans -vraag' jou nie senuweeagtig maak nie, sal ek ook daarop wys dat Duitsland die leidrade van die Amerikaner Jim Crow South geneem het. 15/n https://t.co/MRoVznysNo

- Cassandra van Troy (@BrynnTannehill) 12 April 2021

Dit dui ook aan dat dit waarskynlik 'n wigkwessie in 2022 en in die algemene verkiesing in 2024 is, wat dit die eerste keer in 20 jaar is dat LGBT -kwessies in 'n presidentsverkiesing gesentreer is en dat die GOP dink dat hulle kan wen dit openlik. 17/n

- Cassandra van Troy (@BrynnTannehill) 12 April 2021


Taisho en vroeë Showa -periode (1912 - 1945)

Gedurende die era van die swak keiser Taisho (1912-26) het die politieke mag van die oligargiese kliek (genro) na die parlement en die demokratiese partye verskuif.

In die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het Japan by die Geallieerde moondhede aangesluit, maar het slegs 'n geringe rol gespeel in die stryd teen Duitse koloniale magte in Oos -Asië. Op die daaropvolgende Vredeskonferensie in Parys van 1919 is die voorstel van Japan om die "rassegelykheidsklousule" aan die verbond van die Volkebond te wys, deur die Verenigde State, Brittanje en Australië verwerp. Arrogansie en rassediskriminasie teenoor die Japannese het Japannese-Westerse verhoudings geteister sedert die gedwonge opening van die land in die 1800's, en was weer 'n belangrike faktor vir die agteruitgang van die betrekkinge in die dekades voor die Tweede Wêreldoorlog 2. In 1924 het die Die Amerikaanse kongres het die uitsluitingswet aanvaar wat verdere immigrasie uit Japan verbied het.

Na die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het Japan se ekonomiese situasie versleg. Die Groot Kanto -aardbewing van 1923 en die wêreldwye depressie van 1929 het die krisis versterk.

Gedurende die dertigerjare het die weermag byna volledige beheer oor die regering gevestig. Baie politieke vyande is vermoor en kommuniste is vervolg. Indoktrinasie en sensuur in onderwys en media is verder verskerp. Vloot- en weermagoffisiere het gou die meeste belangrike ampte beklee, waaronder die van die eerste minister.

Reeds vroeër het Japan die voorbeeld van Westerse nasies gevolg en China tot ongelyke ekonomiese en politieke verdrae gedwing. Verder het die invloed van Japan op Mantsjoerije geleidelik toegeneem sedert die einde van die Russies-Japannese oorlog van 1904-05. Toe die Chinese nasionaliste in 1931 die posisie van Japan in Mantsjoerije ernstig begin uitdaag, beset die Kwantung -leër (Japanse gewapende magte in Mantsjoerije) Mantsjoerije. In die daaropvolgende jaar is "Manchukuo" tot 'n onafhanklike staat verklaar, beheer deur die Kwantung -leër deur 'n marionetregering. In dieselfde jaar het die Japannese lugmag Sjanghai gebombardeer om die Japannese inwoners teen anti -Japannese bewegings te beskerm.

In 1933 onttrek Japan hom uit die Volkebond omdat sy hewig gekritiseer is vir haar optrede in China.

In Julie 1937 het die tweede Sino-Japannese Oorlog uitgebreek. 'N Klein voorval is spoedig tot 'n grootskaalse oorlog deur die Kwantung -leër omskep, wat taamlik onafhanklik van 'n meer gematigde regering opgetree het. The Japanese forces succeeded in occupying almost the whole coast of China and committed severe war atrocities on the Chinese population, especially during the fall of the capital Nanking. However, the Chinese government never surrendered completely, and the war continued on a lower scale until 1945.

In 1940, Japan occupied French Indochina (Vietnam) upon agreement with the French Vichy government, and joined the Axis powers Germany and Italy. These actions intensified Japan's conflict with the United States and Great Britain which reacted with an oil boycott. The resulting oil shortage and failures to solve the conflict diplomatically made Japan decide to capture the oil rich Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) and to start a war with the US and Great Britain.

In December 1941, Japan attacked the Allied powers at Pearl Harbor and several other points throughout the Pacific. Japan was able to expand her control over a large territory that expanded to the border of India in the West and New Guinea in the South within the following six months.

The turning point in the Pacific War was the battle of Midway in June 1942. From then on, the Allied forces slowly won back the territories occupied by Japan. In 1944, intensive air raids started over Japan. In spring 1945, US forces invaded Okinawa in one of the war's bloodiest battles.

On July 27, 1945, the Allied powers requested Japan in the Potsdam Declaration to surrender unconditionally, or destruction would continue. However, the military did not consider surrendering under such terms, partially even after US military forces dropped two atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki on August 6 and 9, and the Soviet Union entered the war against Japan on August 8.

On August 14, however, Emperor Showa finally decided to surrender unconditionally.


A New History Curriculum or Anti-American Propaganda?

U.S. President Joe Biden and First Lady Jill Biden visit the classroom of fifth-grade teacher Cindy Bertamini, at Yorktown Elementary School in Yorktown, Virginia on May 3, 2021. MANDEL NGAN / AFP / Getty Images

Belangrike wegneemetes

The only difference with traditional Marxism is that the CRT categories consist of immutable traits such as race, sex or national origin, not economic classes.

CRT promotes racial stereotypes and assumes that humans act according to their category, not as individuals.

This pernicious ideology is already making its way into classrooms across the country—even without the proposed stimulus of federal grants.

President Joe Biden wants educators to teach students that racism is endemic in America. He and his “woke” allies think students should learn that our nation was born of the desire to enslave other humans, not as a struggle for freedom. They also believe that the government should racially discriminate, today and in the future.

The president wants these things so badly he’s asked his secretary of education to prioritize grant funding for K-12 history and civics curricula that preach this revisionist history.

That would be a huge mistake. The vile, ahistorical teachings of critical race theory (CRT) should be consigned to the ashbin of history, not taught as sacred ideology in our nation’s schools.

Like other forms of Marxism, CRT teaches young minds to see the world as divided into two categories: oppressors and their victims. The only difference with traditional Marxism is that the CRT categories consist of immutable traits such as race, sex or national origin, not economic classes like the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

CRT eschews economic classifications because they are too fluid. People can change their stations in life—and under capitalism, they often do. Critical Theorists readily concede this point as being one of the downsides of trying to start a revolution with classes that are not immutable.

Critical race theory wants to solve this problem by adding race to Marxism. CRT teaches young minds to focus on nothing but skin color and power, and how one influences the other in public and private life. It promotes racial stereotypes and assumes that humans act according to their category, not as individuals.

This pernicious ideology is already making its way into classrooms across the country—even without the proposed stimulus of federal grants. One example is the Learning for Justice curriculum, a K-12 civics program created by an organization of the same name that operates under the Southern Poverty Law Center.

The Learning for Justice curriculum teaches that “White supremacy culture…appears in any organization that is not actively and effectively working to dismantle it.” Educators, it insists, must acknowledge how racism “is embedded into the fiber of our nation and our schools.”

The proposed rule from Biden’s Education Department goes much further. For example, it recommends material created by the National Museum of African American History and Culture. The museum’s website hosted a chart claiming that “hard work,” “objective, rational, linear thinking,” and following “rigid time schedules” are racist values, mere appurtenances of white culture rather than human practices that lead to success.

The museum, a Smithsonian institution funded through your tax dollars, didn’t remove this racist chart until officials received blowback for such propaganda.

The proposed rule also praises Ibram X. Kendi, one of the nation’s best known CRT trainers, who has written, “The only remedy to past discrimination is present discrimination. The only remedy to present discrimination is future discrimination.” This, one therefore assumes, is what the Biden administration wants American children to be taught.

The rule also approvingly cites the New York Times’s 1619 Project, a mendacious series of essays on race that historians spanning the ideological spectrum have denounced. The project derives its name from its misleading contention that America’s birthdate is not signified by the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776, but by the arrival of the first enslaved Africans in 1619 on the shores of what would later become the United States. The project rejects the document that outlines America’s creed that "all men are created equal.”

The project couldn’t even meet basic standards of accuracy. Spanish conquistadors first brought slaves to what are today South Carolina, Florida, and New Mexico starting nearly a half-century before 1619. Another of the 1619 Project’s errors—one from which The New York Times later backed away—was its claim that the colonists fought the Revolution because they feared that Britain would end the practice of slavery. This is flatly false.

Let’s hope the president and his education secretary weren’t fully steeped in the tenets of CRT when they issued their proposal to subsidize this anti-American propaganda. If that’s the case, you can help straighten them out. If you agree that these pernicious ideas should not be taught to our children, you can submit your comments about the administration’s proposed rule (as we have) here.


The Vietnam War: A History in Song

The ‘First Television War’ was also documented in over 5,000 songs. From protest to patriotism, popular music reveals the complexity of America’s two-decade long experience struggling against communism in Vietnam.

US soldiers gather around a guitar player during Operation Yellowstone, 18 January 1968.

I n the early 1970s, an obscure Louisiana-based country singer called Bob Necaise released ‘Mr. Where is Viet-Nam’. In the song, Lil Gary Dee, a ‘little boy not yet four years old’, asks:

Mister where is Vietnam?

Is it very far away?

I want to see my daddy

Will you take me there today?

By December 1961, under President John F. Kennedy, the US had 3,205 military personnel stationed in Vietnam. By the end of the 1960s, this enigmatic country would become the most controversial issue facing the US, dividing society, debated in Congress, demonstrated for and against on the streets – and documented in song.

Vietnam has been called ‘the First Television War’. But, as Advertensiebord magazine reported on 4 June 1966, ‘few conflicts have evoked such a spate of musical production’. As the magazine revealed, well over 100 Vietnam records had been released since that January alone. Fifty years on, more than 5,000 songs have been recorded about the war, forming an international conversation about a conflict that tore apart the fabric of politics, society and culture. With the US divided between ‘hawks’ and ‘doves’, music became a powerful communication tool for both sides.

‘How many kids did you kill today?’

In the war’s early stages, protest songs voiced the concerns of a minority movement. Most Vietnam songs released during Kennedy’s presidency articulated a reluctance to be drafted. In 1962, the Californian folk duo Goldcoast Singers released ‘Please Mr. Kennedy’, with an unambiguous message to the president: ‘I don’t want to go’. Fewer than 80 American deaths were recorded between 1956 and 1962, compared to over 16,000 in 1968 alone.

Playlists of the songs mentioned in each section are placed throughout the article. Press play above to listen.

One of the earliest notable protest songs of the JFK-era was published in the New York folk magazine Broadside on 20 September 1963, two months before Kennedy’s assassination. ‘Talkin Vietnam’ by Phil Ochs criticised the government for ‘training a million Vietnamese, to fight for the wrong government, and the American way’. It also attacked South Vietnam’s Catholic president Ngo Dinh Diem for his one family rule and suppression of the majority Buddhist population: ‘families that slay together, stay together’. However, songs that focussed solely on opposing the Vietnam conflict were uncommon until 1964.

The turning point was the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. On 10 August, Congress passed the resolution authorising President Lyndon B. Johnson to send hundreds of thousands of troops to maintain a non-communist South Vietnam. As US troop levels increased from 59,900 to 448,800 between 1965 and 1967, songwriters directed their anger at the president.

Distrust of LBJ was expressed by folk singer Tom Paxton in ‘Lyndon Johnson Told the Nation’ (1965). Paxton satirised the president’s actions: ‘though it isn’t really war, we’re sending 50,000 more’. In ‘Hey, Hey LBJ’ (1967), Bill Fredericks, backed by a group of children, asked ‘how many kids did you kill today?’. Jacqueline Sharpe, a prominent folksinger and social activist, mocked the administration’s stubborn insistence on sticking to its objective in her song ‘Honor Our Commitment’ (1966), ‘even if the world goes up in the smoke of a mushroom cloud’.

On 30 April 1967, Martin Luther King Jr delivered a speech, titled ‘Why I Oppose the War in Vietnam’ at the Riverside Church in New York. It was later released by a Motown Records subsidiary. King pressed home the relationship between Vietnam and the Civil Rights Movement, pointing to the ‘cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same school room’, as well as the killing of ‘little brown Vietnamese children’. King was not the first person to express this view. Nina Simone released ‘Backlash Blues’ in March 1967:

You send my son to Vietnam

You give me second-class houses and second-class schools

Do you think that all the coloured folks are just second-class fools?

For decades, Civil Rights groups had struggled with accusations of being unpatriotic and communist, leaving many black artists to tread cautiously. King’s public move against the war opened the flood gates. Dozens of songs by black musicians drew comparisons between Civil Rights and Vietnam, including activist Matt Jones who refused to fight in ‘Hell No! I Ain’t Gonna Go’ (1970), telling his audience that ‘the Vietcong just like I am’.

In 1968, North Vietnamese and Viet Cong forces launched coordinated attacks against the South, infiltrating the US Embassy in Saigon. Following the Tet Offensive, public support for withdrawal from Vietnam increased from 19 to 55 per cent. The horrors of the war were becoming unignorable. The US dropped 388,000 tons of Napalm B on Indochina between 1963 and 1973. A jellied gasoline mixture, it stuck to skin, causing severe burns when on fire. A group of active-duty GIs from Idaho, called the Covered Wagon Musicians, offered an unflinching picture of the war in ‘Napalm Sticks to Kids’ (1972):

We shoot the sick, the young and lame

We do our best to kill and maim

Because the kills all count the same

Napalm sticks to kids

With public support for the war waning, withdrawal became a big issue in the November 1968 presidential election. Most candidates supported some form of withdrawal as songs began to emphasise the war’s length, military failures and growing fatality rate. Bob Seger attacked the political system in ‘2 + 2 = ?’ (1968): ‘it’s the rules not the soldier that I find the real enemy.’

Richard Nixon won the election and soon became the focus of protest. Three key events raised pressure on Nixon. Each of them inspired records. The first was the ‘Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam’, a mass demonstration which took place across the US on 15 October 1969, followed by a march on Washington on 15 November. Native-American folk artist Buffy Saint Marie released ‘Moratorium’ in 1971, in which she highlighted the increasingly diverse demographics of the protest movement in the early 70s:

Yes, soldier it’s for you

We’re riskin’ all we have

We’re nailed and jailed the same as you

Our lives are up for grabs

The second was the Kent State demonstration on 4 May 1970, which protested Nixon’s Cambodia incursion, an attempt to cut off North Vietnam’s supply routes to the South via its neighbour. Four students were killed by the Ohio State National Guard. That the war’s brutality had reached American soil shocked the nation. Within weeks Crosby, Still, Nash & Young released ‘Ohio’, placing blame firmly with the government. It was just one of more than 50 songs released about Kent State.

Third, in 1971 the Pentagon Papers, a top-secret study on the history of the war, commissioned in 1967, was leaked to the New York Times by military analyst Daniel Ellsberg. The papers revealed that the public had been misled about the war’s progress. The resulting news coverage inspired Texas band Bloodrock’s ‘Thank You Daniel Ellsberg’ (1972):

I wanna thank you Danny boy

For what you said and done

You’ve stricken from all the pages

But you don’t know that you’re the one

After the Tet Offensive and the subsequent turn in public opinion, commercially minded record labels became less afraid of releasing strong anti-war songs, for example Edwin Starr’s ‘War’ (1970) on Motown. By the 1970s, anti-war songs came from a range of backgrounds and perspectives and permeated popular culture. Anti-war sentiment even spread into the traditionally conservative country genre. John Wesley Ryles’ single ‘Kay’ (1968) featured ‘two young soldiers’ who tell the singer how they ‘hate that war in Vietnam’, while the wounded veteran in George Kent’s ‘Mama Bake a Pie’ (1970) pointedly says:

Yes sir it was worth it for the old red, white and blue

And since I won’t be walking, I suppose I’ll save some money buying shoes

But for every protest song decrying the war’s pointless brutality, there was another side to the story.

The Silent Majority?

Anti-war sentiment fuelled a large discography, but so did anti-communist sentiment. Opinion polls showed vast support for presidential policy across the Heartland and Southern states, in areas with ties to agriculture and religion. Patriotic songs supporting the government and troops filled the country charts and radio stations from the JFK to the Nixon eras of the war.

Jimmy Jack’s ‘Battle of Vietnam’ (1964) described the need to stop ‘the Commie charge’ in Vietnam and ‘keep it free’. In 1965 The Lonesome Valley Singers released ‘It’s All Worth Fighting For’, which articulated Dwight Eisenhower’s Domino Theory. The country group sang:

I guess there are people who think we should go ahead and give Vietnam to the enemy

But then what country would they demand next?

We’ve got to call a halt to this transgression somewhere
And it may as well be here in these jungles of South Vietnam

The US flag was an important symbol in patriotic songs. In Hank Snow’s 1966 ‘A Letter From Vietnam’, the narrator vowed he would do his best for ‘old glory, the red, white and blue’. And, like the flag, previous conflicts were often alluded to as patriotic symbols. In ‘What’s Come Over This World’ (1965), Billy Carr sang how

My brother fought in Korea,

My daddy in World War Two,

Now there’s a war in Vietnam,

And there’s a job we must do

On 16 March 1968, 300-500 civilians were murdered by US troops led by platoon leader Second Lieutenant William Calley in the south Vietnamese villages of My Lai and Song My. The My Lai Massacre became one the war’s most controversial events and inspired over 90 songs. But most of them supported Calley.

One of the most interesting of these was ‘Thank God, Calley Wasn’t Black’ (1973) by James Armstrong. The song defended Calley’s actions, but pondered what his fate may have been if he was an African-American. Would the public have been so lenient?

The most well-known song defending Calley was the ‘Battle Hymn of Lt. Calley’ (1971), by Terry Nelson, which sold over one million copies. But the massacre also became a symbol of an unjust war. The sleeve of Yoko Ono’s ‘Now or Never’ (1972) featured a horrific photograph of bodies in a ditch taken by army photographer Ronald L. Haeberle. It was one of the most graphic images to appear on a Vietnam War record.

A significant number of pro-war songs were directed at the war’s protestors and the perceived laziness, permissiveness and pacifism of the ‘Flower Power’ hippie generation. Jan Berry, member of the surf rock duo Jan & Dean, mocked the ‘Universal Coward’ (1965):

He just can’t get it through his thick skull

Why the mighty USA

Has got to be the watchdog of the world

Else that greedy USSR

Will bury us from afar

And he’ll never see the missiles being hurled

The narrator of Jack Sanders’ ‘The Vietnam Blues’ (1965), composed by Kris Kristofferson, comes across a ‘strange looking bunch’ of protestors gathering signatures to send a ‘telegram of sympathy to Ho Chi Minh’. The veteran feels ‘down right sick’. As the anti-war movement grew in the late 60s, a large number of records were recorded in support of Nixon. On 3 November 1969, the president had given a speech: ‘to you, the great silent majority: I ask for your support’. Written in response, George Jay’s ‘The Real Silent Majority’ (1969) expressed a desire to ‘unite with you in your search for an honourable peace’.

‘Now I’m 1-A’

According to the Veteran's Administration, of the 3.5 million people who went to Vietnam, 2.2 million did so via the draft. The experience is reflected in hundreds of songs. ‘1-A’ was the classification for those eligible for service, a recognised phrase sung by Richie Kaye in ‘Here Comes Uncle Sam’ (1965): ‘I'm through with school, now I'm 1-A, I got a letter, they are taking me away’.

The line between ‘hawks’ and ‘doves’ was clearly demarcated in songs relating to the draft. While Steppenwolf praised the ‘courage’ of the ‘Draft Resister’ (1969), Smiley Smith released the single ‘I Wish I Had a Draft Card’. Merle Haggard noted that ‘we don't burn our draft cards down on Main Street’ in ‘Okie From Muskogee’ (1969). Originally composed in jest, it became one of the most popular patriotic songs. In one of the standout novelty tracks, Chicago group Seeds of Euphoria advised LBJ in 1967: ‘Let’s Send Batman to Viet Nam’.

Draft inequality was a major theme. Gary Laster emphasised in ‘A Drafted Minor’ (1969) the absurd legal discrepancies affecting those drafted: draft age: 18 voting and drinking age: 21. Creedence Clearwater Revival confronted the inequality between the rich and poor in ‘Fortunate Son’ (1969), inspired by President Eisenhower’s grandson, David, who avoided the draft by joining the reserves.

Many songs also focused on the impact of war on those left behind. Some of these were sentimental: from the early 60s, many ‘soldier boy’ themed songs appeared, including ‘Your Heart Belongs to Me’ by The Supremes in 1962. Each holiday season galvanised sentiment on the home front and over 70 Christmas songs were written about the war. But not every song about absent soldiers was sentimental. Many artists were not shy about confronting the unethical activities of serving soldiers on furlough. The Soul Patrol’s ‘Saigon Strut’ (1968) described GIs visiting prostitutes on the famous Tu Do Street in Saigon, while ‘What’s Been Going On in Viet Nam’ (1968) by Ginger & Jean is told from the point of view of a veteran’s wife who discovers her husband has fathered a child abroad.

War is Over?

The North Vietnamese Army captured Saigon in April 1975. US military involvement in Vietnam was over, but the war continued to reverberate throughout American society. Almost half of the Vietnam War song discography was released in the postwar period.

The first wave of songs appeared between the 1973 peace agreement and the fall of Saigon. Many American songs of this period focused on returning prisoners of war. As part of the Paris Peace Accords, 591 POWs returned to the US in ‘Operation Homecoming’, an event celebrated in Funkadelic’s ‘March to the Witch’s Castle’:

February 12th, 1973

The prayers of thousands were answered

The war was over, and the first of the prisoners returned

Needless to say, it was the happiest day in up to thirteen years for most

For others, the real nightmare had just begun

That nightmare referred to the experience of returning veterans trying to readjust that the war’s end had terrible consequences for those in South Vietnam who had fought with the Americans was largely overlooked. Only a few records addressed the Vietnamese refugee crisis: ‘The Boat People (A Song of Hope)’ by Canadian jazz singer Dick Maloney, for example.

The 1980s saw a revival of interest in the war. The Reagan-era saw a wave of nationalism that attempted to overcome ‘Vietnam Syndrome’. Applied to veterans, it referred to feelings of guilt or shame about the war, influenced by the domestic climate they had returned to. Reagan spoke about this on 18 August 1980: ‘For too long, we have lived with the Vietnam Syndrome. We dishonour the memory of 50,000 young Americans who died. They deserve our gratitude, our respect and our continuing concern’.

Two prominent themes dominated the new batch of songs. First, the attempt to overcome Vietnam Syndrome second, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, characterised by shell shock, flashbacks and nostalgia. The Charlie Daniels Band released ‘Still in Saigon’ in 1982. The song is told from the point of view of a Vietnam veteran:

The ground at home was covered in snow

And I was covered in sweat

My younger brother calls me a killer

And my daddy calls me a vet

The completion of the Vietnam Veteran Memorial Wall in Washington DC in 1982 led to over 30 songs of remembrance as Americans sought to come to terms with the war. Hawks and doves remained, but the names of more than 58,000 Americans killed became heroes, as sung by Michael J. Martin & Tim Holiday on ‘Who Are the Names on the Wall?’.

But the 1980s was also the decade in which the long-term negative health effects of Agent Orange, a herbicide used in Vietnam to deprive the North Vietnamese guerrillas of concealment and food, became apparent. Peggy Seeger released ‘Agent Orange’ in 1982:

We’d fly above the trail all day and clouds of poison spray

I never thought that chemical would take my life today

But I just found out this morning, the doctor told me so

It killed me in Vietnam and I didn’t even know

Fuelled by anger, a politically conscious anti-Reagan punk movement grew internationally. Over 100 songs used Vietnam as a case study to criticise US interventions in Grenada, Nicaragua and El Salvador. Vietnam continued to be compared to other conflicts throughout the 1990s and 2000s.

The Vietnam War inspired songs on a scale never seen before, or since, and not just in the US. Performed by men and woman of different ethnicities and nationalities, the astonishing breadth of opinions from all levels of society reveals the changing nature of responses to the war. Aided by the development of the portable tape recorder, General Edward Lansdale captured hundreds of songs in Vietnam on tape, performed by US soldiers, Vietnamese guerrillas and civilians. Returning home he identified popular music’s central place in the experience of the war: ‘all along we have been historians without meaning to be. These tapes tell the story of a human side of war.’

Justin Brummer is founding editor of the Vietnam War Song Project and has a PhD on 20th-century American history. A playlist of all the songs mentioned in this article is available here. @VietnamWarSongs


Cenepa War [ edit | wysig bron]

The final major military operation involving Ecuadorian forces was the Cenepa War in which both sides, yet again, claimed to be fighting inside their own territory. One of the outposts causing the dispute, called Tiwintza by the Ecuadorians and Tiwinza or Tihuintsa by the Peruvians, came to symbolize the war because of the bitter clashes that took place around it and the emotional importance that both sides attached to its possession. In contrast to a similar but shorter clash that had occurred in 1981, also within the undemarcated border area, the Ecuadorian Army and the Ecuadorian Air Force managed to come out of the conflict with what Ecuador considered a limited but emotionally significant tactical success. Retaining control of the embattled outpost of Tiwintza and wrestling local air superiority from the hands of the Peruvian Air Force, until the signing of a ceasefire and the eventual separation of forces. This was supervised by a multinational mission of military observers from the "guarantor" countries of the 1942 Rio Protocol: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and the USA. Finally, the Ecuadorian government signed a Peace Treaty which was based upon the previous Rio Protocol on 26 October 1998. As a result Ecuador had to renounce the territories Tumbes, Jaén and Maynas.


The "Total Force" Goes to War

The end of the draft in 1973 ushered in a period of tremendous change for the U.S. military. Cut off from their source of cheap manpower, and under pressure to cut costs, the active services realized they must make better use of their reserve components. The Air Guard had been integrated into the workings of the Air Force since the mid-1950s. By the mid-1970s the "Total Force" policy resulted in more Army National Guard missions, equipment, and training opportunities than ever before.

The National Guard shared in the huge defense buildup initiated by President Ronald Reagan. In 1977, the first small Army National Guard detachment had traveled overseas to spend their two weeks of active duty training with regular Army units. Nine years later, the Wisconsin National Guard's 32nd Infantry Brigade was deployed to Germany with all its equipment for the major NATO exercise REFORGER.

By the end of the 1980s, Army National Guard units were supplied with the latest weaponry and equipment -- and would soon get a chance to use it. In response to Iraq's invasion of oil-rich Kuwait in August 1990, Operation Desert Storm brought the largest mobilization of the National Guard since the Korean War.

More than 60,000 Army Guard personnel were called to active duty for the Gulf War. As the air campaign against Iraq began Operation Desert Storm in January 1991, thousands of Army National Guard men and women, most of them from combat service and combat service support units, were in Southwest Asia, preparing for the ground campaign against the Iraqi forces. Two-thirds of those mobilized would eventually see service in the war's main theater of operations.

Occurring soon after the Guard's return from the Arabian Peninsula, hurricanes in Florida and Hawaii and a riot in Los Angeles drew attention to the National Guard's role in its communities. That role has increased as the Guard, active for years in drug interdiction and eradication efforts institutes new and innovative community outreach programs.

Since the end of Desert Storm, the National Guard has seen the nature of its Federal mission change, with more frequent call-ups in response to crises in Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, and the skies over Iraq. Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, more than 50,000 Guardmembers were called up by both their States and the Federal government to provide security at home and combat terrorism abroad. In the largest and swiftest response to a domestic disaster in history, the Guard deployed more than 50,000 troops in support of the Gulf States following Hurricane Katrina in 2005. Today, tens of thousands of Guardmembers are serving in harm's way in Iraq and Afghanistan, as the National Guard continues its historic dual mission, providing to the states units trained and equipped to protect life and property, while providing to the nation units trained, equipped and ready to defend the United States and its interests, all over the globe.


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Kommentaar:

  1. Nu'man

    'n Goeie opsie

  2. Zugore

    Welgedaan, u sin is briljant

  3. Guzilkree

    Ja inderdaad. Dit was ook by my. Ons kan oor hierdie tema kommunikeer.

  4. Elvyn

    Ek dink, dat jy nie reg is nie. Ek is verseker. Kom ons bespreek. Skryf vir my in PM, ons sal praat.

  5. Rolfe

    Ek is jammer, dit het ingemeng... Hierdie situasie is aan my bekend. Dit is moontlik om te bespreek. Skryf hier of in PM.



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